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Conf/ABSTRACTS - The Zaza People and the Anatolian Alevi Phenomenon, 4-5 June 2016, Yerevan

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Event Date:

June 04, 2016 - June 05, 2016

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ABSTRACTS of the
2nd International Conference on Zaza Studies
THE ZAZA PEOPLE AND THE ANATOLIAN ALEVI PHENOMENON

June 4-5, 2016 Yerevan, Armenia

Conference venue: Russian-Armenian (Slavonic) University,
Yerevan, Armenia

A Structural Review on the Western Type Movie in the East:

My Sweet Paper Land

 

Cangül Akdaş

Istanbul University

Zelal Mevlütoğlu

Marmara University

 

This study discusses the movie “My Sweet Paper Land (Director Hiner Saleem, 2013)” which is about struggle of central structure against feudal system in a village on the border of Iraq. In this movie, three dialects of Kurdish language are spoken eloquently. The main purpose of the study is analyzing whether this movie was made accordingly western forms within the frame of pragmatics methods and semiological methodology. As a result, it is possible to say that director applied the western forms to the movie, and created an imaginary place – a country – that three dialects of Kurdish were spoken.

 

The Institute for the Study of Turkish Culture

and the Efforts of Assimilating Zaza People

 

Nevzat Anuk

Muş Alparslan University

 

The Institute for the Study of Turkish Culture was established on the 20th October in 1961 by the cabinet decree in Ankara. The institute was established as a result of the Kurdish Report of 27 May,which was written after the 1960 military coup d'état on 27th May, in order to serve the formal ideology of the state. Numerous non-Turks such as Armenian and Kurds (Zaza/Kurmanc) became the study object of this institute. This institute is of utmost importance as it is the heading center in knowledge production and practicing Turkification policies of the Zaza people from 1960s to the mid of 1990s systematically according to the political atmosphere of that time. The Institute for the Study of Turkish Culture published more than 200 books and 524 volumes of a journal named as Turkish Culture since the year it was established. With its 50-year life, this institute was one of the long-lasting institutes and one of its main aims was to turkify Kurds (Zaza/Kurmanc). The analysis of assimilation studies about Zaza people through examining the books and articles published by The Institute for the Study of Turkish Culture as well as the analysis of this Institute’s publications about Zaza language, identity and history is posited as the ultimate aim of this study. Although publishing anything on Zaza or Kurmancs was strictly banned by legal measures since the foundation of the Turkish Republic till 1990s, The Institute for the Study of Turkish Culture by itself published a lot of things on behalf of the state or as a state ideological apparatus, and this in turn makes the investigation of this institute much more important.

 

Anatolian Culture as a Common Element

of the Alevi Identity

 

Victoria Arakelova

Institute of Ethnography and Archaeology, NAS RA

 

Different forms of Alevism emphasize different religious aspects of the Alevi identity: the heterodox Shi‘a factor, Sufi Islam, Bektashi ideology, influence of Christianity or local substrate elements - from ancient Anatolian cults to the remnants of the Tengrism brought by the Central Asian Turkic nomads, etc. Among the political markers, the leftist character of the Alevi continuum is usually mentioned, while in the social field, the transition of mountainous peasants and cattle-breeders to a new layer of the socially integrated intellectuals seems quite obvious. Some of the mentioned markers can, at least formally, even contradict each other. Yet, there is at least one notion, which stands above the whole variety of parameters and does not only coexist with any of them, but, being an essential part of the Alevi mentality, also creates a cementing foundation for the common Alevi identity. This is the notion of the [common] Anatolian culture, in which “Anatolian” is more than a geographical attribute. The peculiarity of this complex and pretty wide notion in the context of the Alevi phenomenon, is that, depending on a identity marker it is combined with, it can obtain various meanings and be defined as a supplementary element of the given marker. Cf., for instance, the following definitions “The Alevism is the most authentic manifestation of the Anatolian Islam”, “The Alevi mentality is based on the Anatolian open way of thinking”, etc.

The paper will focus on the phenomenon of the Anatolian culture as an essential element of the Alevi identity. 

 

A tract about options of how the Alevi movement can define a clear political attitude to keep on stage for the demand of their democratic rights?

 

  Zeynep Arslan

Vienna

 

Although the Alevis have been persecuted and pushed to the border of the society, they more or less have managed to keep alive their Aleviness. The common historical, social and political traumata defines the boundaries and least common denominator beyond their heterogeneous character. Above all the Eastern-Anatolian Alevis, to say the Zazaki and Kurmanci speaking Alevis do face different challenges in Turkey and in continuing order also in the transnational area due to their multi-identity, which is aside of being Turkish, Turk and Sunni muslim (Turkish-Sunni Islam Synthesis).

More and more researches are made to point to the ethnical and other diversity drafts within the Alevi groups. Nowadays the existence and the heterogenious character of Alevism is accepted worldwide. In my paper I do emphasize the special feature of the Alevis and Alevism from and in Dersim. The affiliation of the Dersim Alevis to the nature and the maintenance of the pantheistic elements of Alevism, which is in deep connection to the space as if time has never passed is a distinctive typology of the Alevism in that region.

New challenges are added on the way to break with extern appreciations, but search for the new self- definition of their identity in the European Diaspora. Today the Alevis attend the world stage as a political parameter. Above all at the non-governmental level since 1993.

In my paper I do question the attitude of the Alevis within the new social circumstances and political challenges. This paper deals with the actual attitude of the Alevi movement and their perspective and strategic plans for future. Nowadays the Alevi Associations are quite active in organizing commemorative and memorial events due to their historical background, which is defined by persecution and massacre. Today the question is, how the Alevis will manage to define a common political line beyond their common traumata to demand for their democratic rights.

In my contribution I would like to talk about the actual situation of the drafts of the Alevi movement in Turkey and in the European diaspora. Here I would like to try to show some future options and perspectives due to their actual situation in Turkey and in the European Diaspora.

 

Alevi Zaza ve Sünni Zazalardaki Ortak Mitolojik Figürler: Mitolojik Kahramanlar Olrarak Hızır ve Munzur’un Toplumsal Rollerinin İnançsal Karşılaştırılması

                                                                                                               

Mesut Arslan

Ahmet Kırkan

                                                                                       Dicle University

    

Zazalar Kuzey Kürdistan’da, genellikle dağlık bir alanda yaşayan bir millettir. Yaşayış olarak Kurmanclar ve Türklerden farklılık gösterirler. Lakin Zazaların kendi aralarında da birliktelik ve aynılık yoktur. Bu farklılığın temel kaynağı olara dinsel/mezhepsel ayrılık gösterilebilir. Genellikle kuzey kısımda yaşayan Zazalar/Kırmanclar Alevidirler ve yaşayış olarak daha kapalı ve etkiden uzaktırlar. Çünkü kuzey kısımlar genellikle dağlık ve geçiş güzergahları üzerinde değildir. Ayrıca kuzey kısımda yaşayan Zazaların dört bir etrafı sünni Kurmanclarla çevrilidir. Güneyde yaşayan Sünni Zazalar ise genellikle mezhepsel olarak Şafii ve Hanefi (Siverek ve çevresi)’dirler. Güneyde yaşayan Zazalar daha düz alanlarda ve yol kavşaklarında oturdukları, etrafındaki kurmanclarla tam entegre bir şekilde yaşadıkları için; bir yandan kültürel asimilasyona maruz kaldıkları halde diğer taraftan kültürel gelişme sağlamışlardır. Lakin yine de her iki Zaza toplumunda belli başlı figürler aynı kalabilmişlerdir.

Bu çalışmada alevi ve sünni Zaza cemaatlerindeki mitolojik kahramanlardan Hızır ve Munzur üzerinde durulacaktır. Hızır daha çok İslami literaturde kullanılan ve daha çok peygamber olarak kabul edilen bir figürdür. Lakin bu figür Alevi toplumunda tanrı/yarı tanrı pozisyonundadır. Aleviler bu figüre birçok anlamlar yüklerler ve Hızır için özel günler tertiplerler. Sünni olan Zazalarda da Hızır figürü vardır ve özellikle Siverek ve çevresinde, neredeyse Alevilere yakın, bir anlam yüklemişlerdir. Toplumsal bir figür olarak Hızır ve beklentiler üzerinde durulacak ve bu konudaki mitoslardan bahsedilecektir.

Bir diğer mitoloj,k figür olarak Munzur üzerinde durulacaktır. Bu figür ve bu figüre yüklenen anlam, birbirinden uzak coğrafyalarda hemen hemen aynıdır. Munzur efsanesi ve buna yüklenen anlam, Siverek ve çevresinde Kafur Dede adıyla yaşar. Her iki figür de –Munzur ve Kafur Dede- aynı eylemlerde bulunurlar. Daha ilgi çekici olanı bu figür Diyarbakır’da kurmancların arasında da vardır.

Çalışmamızda bu mitolojik figürler, toplumsal anlamları, toplumun bunlardan beklentileri; mezhepsel ve dinsel bir bakış açısıyla değerlendirilmeye çalışılacaktır. Birbirinden uzak düşmüş iki Zaza cemaatinin mitolojik figürlerinin değişimi irdelenmeye çalışılacaktır.  Bu çalışmayla mitosların anlamları ve toplumsal beklentiler üzerinde durulacaktır.

 

Holy Sites in Karêr Region

 

İbrahim Burçin Asna

Muş Alparslan University

 

Holy sites occupy an important space in the life of communities and these living areas provide significant information about the past experiences of those societies. This paper examines the Karêr Region which is situated in the north part of Bingol (Çewlîk) city and mainly known as a highland settlement for Alawite villages. 

Throughout history, being difficult to access, this region has also been almost impossible to cultivate, thus sheltering itself historically and geographically. Therefore, it has been a virgin region which sustained many elements of Zaza culture until today. In the light of information and documents gathered, this paper investigates the historical and holy sites of Karêr Region.

 

Kurdish Zazas in Scientific Knowledge of the State

 

Nurettin Beltekin

Mardin Artuklu University

 

Historically, It is clear that the science includes political and economical needs. Especially, this can be better seen after development of capitalism and nation state. By constraction of social sciences it have been formed a different form. Actually, a scientific process at the same time is a politic and a economic process. By the term of Haberman's the science is an ideologia. But this side of science is hidden by various depoliticization ways. Because scientific knowledge is true and unquestionable. But in the colonized societies, this depolitization is easily decoded. They have known the process of colonization. In the process of colonization, firstly, the researchers came for researches. In the their minds, researchers, researches and colonization words have stood at the same place. The scientific interest in the West to the East or to the non-West, by Said's phrase is "vanguard of colonization". Kurdish Zaza people, the ancient people of Middle East, they were exposed to the interest of Westerners and the Ottoman-Turkish modernists from the 19th century. In the context of their ambitions were made knowledge on Zaza. Their studies have searched some possibilities for their targets. Sometimes the informations are produced for the "urgent" political needs. The aim of this study is the report of Hassan Reşit Tankut Zazalar Üzerine Sosyolojik Tetkikler. The report has written between 1925 Şeyh Said and 1938 Dersim riots. Therefore, it can be said the knowledges it includes the urgent and political knowledges hatta they are solidarity. It strengthen the military feature knowledge because of Tankut was a old solider. The knowledges are produced about Zazas, they were used for controlling and giving strategies to military services. Today these knowledges are in circulation and used as unique sources about Zazas. These knowledges continue to play their strategic role in a sense. Therefore, it is a necessary to making deconstruction of the knowledges.

 

Traumatic Effects of Dersim Massacre (1937-38)

on Generational Continuity of Alevi Way of Life

and the Native  Language

 

Filiz Celik

Independent Consultant

 

The Dersim Massacre (1937-38) is the most systematic and destructive, Post-Republican massacre in Turkey. The people of Dersim, - here after referred to as Dersimis - were annihilated in their thousands or even tens of thousands, or were exiled to various parts of Turkey, also in their tens of thousands; the rest of their community were subjugated through threats of annihilation. Turkey’s silence and denial of the massacre, non-recognition of the targets’ victimhood and the lack of redress and retribution further isolated and marginalised survivors and their descendants in dealing with the effects of the collective trauma of the Massacre. Looking at the effects of the trauma of the Dersim Massacre on subsequent generations this presentation will focus on the assimilation of the native languages (Kurmanci and Zaza) and their religious belief (Alevism). Through looking and the literature on transgenerational transmission of trauma and the effects of the loss of language as an aggravating factor this presentation will focus on accounts of Dersimis in trying to understand the effects of the loss of Zazaki language on intergenerational continuation of Alevi faith. In doing so, this paper will make references to loss of collective shared memory of Zaza, Kurdish and Armeanin co-existence in Dersim.

 

Systematic discrimination of Alevis and Armenians in Turkey:

an analysis of recent judgments of the

European Court of Human Rights

 

Hüseyin Çelik

University of Zurich

 

The main objective of the conference paper is to demonstrate the systematic discrimination suffered by the Alevi minority, not only in its historical context, but also in the present day, and how these continuities can be tracked in the latest judgements of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR). 

Alevis are the second largest religious community in Turkey. In spite of being the biggest minority in Turkey, Alevis have not been recognised neither as a minority group in terms of the Lausanne Agreement (e.g. Christians and Jews) nor as part of an independent religious group (i.e. mainstream Islam).

The non-recognition of the Alevis has brought systematic discrimination as well as dramatic outcomes due to the violent assimilation they have been exposed to. Following the Armenian Genocide, the Alevis were subject to annihilation like the Dersim Genocide taken place in the today’s province of Tunceli between 1937 and 1938. Other massacres took place in the following decades, such as: 1978 in Maraş, 1980 in Çorum, 1993 in Sivas, 1995 in Gazi (Istanbul).

The following points of the recent judgments of the European Court of Human Rights concerning the systematic discrimination of the Alevis will be highlighted:

Firstly, the latest judgements of the European Court of Human Rights concerning Alevi minority in Turkey ruled that compulsory religious education constitutes a violation of a numerous of the rights of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) such as: the right of parents to respect for their religious and philosophical convictions, right to respect for private and family life (Art. 8 ECHR), freedom of thought, conscience and religion (Art. 9 ECHR), prohibition of discrimination (Art. 14 ECHR) as well as freedom of expression (Art. 10 ECHR);

Secondly, the non-recognition of Alevism by the Turkish government as a religion, leads consequently to the non-acceptance of the Cemevi (places of worship and gathering of the Alevis). Related to this matter, in 2014 the ECtHR found that the lack of legal recognition of Cemevi in Turkish Law was discriminatory. The Court acknowledged the nature of the Cemevi as a place of worship, and therefore stated as a prerogative to obtain legal status as well as equal treatment like the one to mosques, churches and synagogues.

Thirdly, the Turkish law provides for the registration of religious affiliation on the identity card. In the case of Alevis, they have to be registered as Islam affiliated. The ECtHR concluded that the indication of religion on the identity card is a violation of religious freedom. It is important to note, that all minorities (including Armenians) were mentioned in the ruling.

The last topic of the conference paper deals with the cases before the ECtHR concerning Armenian churches and schools confiscated by the Turkish authority.

How “Alevite” are the Zaza of Dersim ?

Johnny Cheung

 INALCO (Paris)

One of the geographical centres of Zazaki speakers is to be found in Dersim, rechristened as the Turkish Tunceli province in January 1936 and located at the confluence of the Euphrates and Tigris rivers in Eastern Anatolia. Dersim has historically been a fountain-head of antinomian beliefs, i.e. resisting the common tenets and rituals of the dominant religion imposed by the political centres of Byzantium or its successors, the Ottoman Empire and Republican Turkey. Historically, this region was largely populated by tribal, mostly Zazaki speaking Kızılbaş / Alevis (including speakers of Kurmanji Kurdish and Armenian), Sunni Turks & Kurds and Christian Armenians, until 1915.

As articulated recently by the French Alevism expert, E. Kerivel (2013), the local traditions of Dersim constitute an original “synthèse arméno-iranienne”, which also reflects the close cultural interactions between the Armenian and Zazas in this region. He even considers this as a continuation of Mithraism (Kerivel 2012). This thesis clearly echoes earlier opinions of European travellers such as Poujoulat (1840), Southgate (1840).

This is in sharp contrast to the Kemalist founding theories of Turkish nationhood and identity, which consider these religious groups to be authentic remnants of ancient Turkic beliefs, first formulated by Radloff (1885) and, further developed by prominent nationalist scholars such as Baha Said (1918), Köprülü (1922), Mélikoff (1998, 2001). An unbroken continuation with past religions and beliefs is being emphasized, whether with Christian “heresies”, ancient Iranian, or Central Asian “totemistic/shamanistic” beliefs of the ancient Turks, or even a mélange of all three, with Islamic traditions thrown into the mix (cf. Ocak 1999). In short, the Turkish peoples would have been responsible for the introduction of this “Alevism” in Anatolia, being imported from their Central Asian homeland. This term, “Alevism”, has become a blanket designation, being applied to anyone who does not accept wholeheartedly the authority of the formal Sunni institutions and who, historically, did not belong to any of the recognized milletler (such as the Christian Armenian, Greeks, Slavic Bulgarians or Jews) of the Ottoman state.

In Dersim, the local blend of “Alevism” has often been considered to be influenced, if not derived from ancient Iranian, Zoroastrian beliefs, also based on the linkage of the historical exodus of the Caspian Daylamites to modern day Zaza, whose language is also known as Dımılki. Rather than considering an ancient Zoroastrian or Mithraic influence, we may also have to consider a historically nearer “cosmological” connection between Zaza Alevism with heretical groups, mentioned by Islamic (notably Shahrastani, al-Maqdisi, ibn al-Malahimi) and Byzantine (Theophanes Continuatus, Genesios) sources, such as the Khurramiyya and Qarmatiyya, cf.  Gölpinarli (IA).

A renewed assessment and appraisal of the several theses on the origin of the (alleged) “Alevite” beliefs among the Zaza will be given in the talk.  

 

Difficulties of Zaza, Kurdish and Alavi Identity in Turkey According to Movies of Yılmaz Güney 

Saro Dadyan

Istanbul Şehir University

Yılmaz Güney was one of the most important actor, writer and film director in 1960s and 1970s in Turkey. He came from an originally Zaza family from Adana. Turkey tried to create one type citizen in beginning of the Republic. As well as, the approaching of the government to Zaza community was reactive because of Şeyh Said Rebellion and Dersim Genocide. On the other hand, Yılmaz Güney came from a poor Zaza family and he tried to create a consciousness about difficult and bad conditions of Zaza, Kurdish and Alavi communities in Turkish public opinion. He wrote and he made films about them. As well as,  he suffered oppression from Turkish government. He arrested a few time and he agonized in the prison. However, he had been an important symbol for left political movement. He escaped from Turkey to France and he had tree prizes from Cannes with Yol Movie. He died thirty years ago in Paris. Nowadays, he is one of the most esteemed name in Turkey. As well as, not just for left, even right political movement respect to him and even Recep Tayip Erdoğan mentions to Yılmaz Güney and his movies in his speeches. This paper will focus to difficulties of Zaza, Kurdish and Alavi people in pasta and today according to Yılmaz Güney’s life and works. Additionally, the paper will try to find answers that why Yılmaz Güney is a very esteemed person for all politic movements of Turkey.

 

The Analysing Form and Genre in Zazaki Classical Literature

Semih Gezer

İbrahim Burçin Asna

Muş Alparslan University

 

Zaza classical literature begins with “Mawlide Nabi” the work of Mulla Ahmade Khasi at the end of the 19th century. Although the number of classical works written in Zaza classic literature until today is less, scientific studies haven’t been made in this field. Zazaki classic texts are in Arabs letters, written classics are mathnawi , ghazal (eulogies) and qasida (odes) in form and mawlid, elegy and eulogy are verse of these works.

The author whose works were examined in this article: Mulla Khasi, Osman Efendiyo Babij, Mulla Kamile Puekhi, Sheikh Mahdi, Mulla Muhammad al-Ganji, Mulla Muhammade Hazani,  Mulla Muhammad ‘Eli Huni and  Mulla Muhammadd Demirtas’s works will be examined both in genre and in form in  this  article.

 

Alevism of Dersim in the Eyes of the Armenian Authors of the 20th Century

 

Ani Grigoryan

Yerevan State University

Dersim region has always had a unique place in the research of those who are interested in the history and culture of the eastern part of modern Turkey. One of the most important points in the research of this region is Alevism. No matter how Alevism in Dersim is described, it’s obvious that it is quite different from the same Alevism of other regions of Turkey. It’s something more than just a religion or belief. It has become a kind of self-determination for those people coming from Dersim even if they were born and have grown up outside Turkey.

The paper concerns the theories of many of those Armenian authors of the 20th century who have works about Dersim. All of them have paid special attention to the system of belief of the non-Armenian population of Dersim which is called Alevism. Most of them consider it as a Shii creed, the others take it as a mixture of the elements of different religions including some of paganism. Others describe Alevism or Kizilbash as a kind of synthesis of Christian creeds. A theory about Alevism being the same Bektashism also exists.

 

On the Armenian-Zaza Sacral Topography of Dersim

Kristine Grigoryan

Caucasian Centre for Iranian Studies, Yerevan

 

For many centuries Central and Eastern Anatolia have been populated with ethnicities divergent in religion, culture and language. In particular, the many-century coexistence of the Armenian and Zaza population in Dersim has remarkably influenced on one another’s lifestyle, traditions, religious convictions and beliefs. The paper will reveal some notable data concerning several locally renowned Armenian monasteries and other sacred places in Dersim that have been revered also by the Zaza people. The main sources for the study are the works of Armenian intellectuals.

 

Analysis of "Hızır” Perception

and Related Rituals in Alevism

Depending on Different Regions or Ethnicities

 

Nadire Güntaş Aldatmaz

Mardin Artuklu University

Güllüşah Ceyhan

Büyükçiğli Primary School

 

This study analyses “Hızır” belief and its rituals such as fasting, sacrifice, qawit (flour made by roasting and grinding wheat), singles sleeping to dream after fasting and lighting up candles.

The aim of this research is to provide a comparison between pre-existing and dominant “Hızır” belief and rituals in Dersim Alevism and “Hızır” perception in Anatolian Alevism. Therefore, the main objective is to analyse similar and different practices of this belief depending on various regions and ethnicities by conducting interviews.

As a result, it is determined that Hızır belief and related rituals alters partially depending on regions and ethinicities.

 

Lexical Similarities of Zazaki and Talyshi

 

Gohar Hakobian

Caucasian Centre for Iranian Studies, Yerevan

 

The author discusses some common lexical elements between the Zaza and Talishi languages. Zaza, as a matter of fact being a South Caspian dialect although located in a far distance from the area, has preserved a number of highly interesting isoglosses with the linguistic landscape of the South Caspian-Aturpatakan region. Among these elements the most conspicious is the term for the «moon»: Zazaki āšmī, āšme, āšmə, Talishi ovšim, Harzani ōšma, etc., from Old Iranian *uxšya-(waxša- )mah-ka-, Middle Persian āyišm. The study of Zaza with regards to its areal characteristics can yield important results, iluminating not only the position of this language among the New Iranian dialects, but also the ethno-demographic developments in the Irano-Caspian-Anatolian region.

 

Sons of the Sun: Iranian Mithraism and similarities

between Armenian paganism and Dersim Zaza Alevism

 

Erwan Kerivel

Institute Tchobanian (France)

 

Long before Christianity was adopted in 301, the Armenians practiced a paganism of Persian or more precisely Parthian origin, which was called “Mithraism”. During almost eight centuries, it was their spiritual and religious foundation. After the adoption of Christianity, it was reintroduced by the Persians under the form of Mazdeism, before they were themselves attracted toward a new religion, Islam. Armenian sun worshippers or Arevordiks still existed in 14th century. Could it be possible that a significant number of Armenians had kept their ancient pagan beliefs coming from Mithraism while accepting a Christian “veneer”? We could also ask the same question about Iranian populations and Islam.

We find in Mithraism and its Armenian version, which I name “Armenian paganism”, a great number of similarities with the beliefs of the Alevis in Dersim. This makes me believe that they share a common history and the same roots.

If the assumption of a historic link between the Paulician or Throndrakian Christian heresies and Alevism in Dersim was confirmed, we should be able to find in Rae Haq beliefs many basic components of Christianity. It is not the case, contrary to what a certain number of Protestant missionaries and 19th century European travelers pretended.

We will hereafter demonstrate that Alevism in Dersim has a very different origin, related to the Iranian cultural area as well as Mithraism and its Armenian avatar, which I name Armenian paganism. It seems to me that some of the roots of Alevism in Dersim (Rae Haq) can be found in the ancient pagan cults to Mithra. So, the most important place in the hearts is occupied by Xızır, who with no doubt took the place of a god before that of a messenger of god or a saint or prophet. The name “Rae Haq” is sometimes replaced with Rae Xızıri. Xızır resembles a lot the pagan Mithra/Mehr of the Armenians. According to some of the testimonies I have heard in Dersim, the Armenians gave the name of Xiziri to some of the Alevi clans.

We could then build the daring theory that Dersim could shelter the last “Sons of sun” and that Alevism in Dersim would be an original Armenian-Iranian synthesis.

 

About Some Lingual Conservatism in the Zaza Oral Literature and Religious Poetry

 

Mesut Keskin

Göthe-University Frankfurt

 

Zazaki is a relative recently attested and written northwest Iranian language. For centuries oral transmission was the only medium for the survival of the Zazaki language hence it has a rich corpus on oral poetry in musical form and also in fairy tales, proverbs and short stories. In the past 3 decades the literature in Zazaki language is being recorded and produced in written format mostly in Disaporas. The oral Zazaki literature preserves regional phonetic, morphological, lexical and semantic sections specific to different regions where Zazaki is traditionally spoken, mostly restricted to these semantic fields. Some examples of the conservative phonology and morphology in the poetry compared with the spoken language in the same vernacular of Nothern Zazaki are: the negation of the existence verb çini-Copula “there is not” vs. çin-Copula; oblique plural suffix -an ~ -a vs. -o(n) ~ -u(n)henare f. “pomegranate” vs. nare, also in the lexis sagırd (< şagırd) “pupil, trainee” vs. telebe (< Ar. ṭalabaطلبة ). Also in the Central and Southern Zazaki poetry and tales conservative forms are found like the personal ending 1st pl. -ımı vs.  (unitary plural on 3rd pl.); genitive ezafe -ay vs. -a (Southern Zz.) ~ -ê (Central Zz.); relict forms in Central Zz. of the oblique II. suffix -d- preceding the ezafe.

This paper proposes to demonstrate some conservative lingual forms in phonology, morphology and lexis kept in the outside of the spoken language. In doing so this paper will make references to Alevi faith of Zazaki speakers and refer to different uses of Zazaki in their religious literature and rituals.

 

Tense-sensitive case-syncretisms in the Mutki dialect of Zazaki

 

Ergin Öpengin

Bamberg University

Nevzat Anuk

Muş Alparslan University

 

It is sufficiently well-known that the western Iranian languages go through gradual change from canonical ergativity to other alignment patterns in the past domain. However, the descriptive grammars of Zazaki and other general treatments present the grammatical system of Zazaki as a robust split-ergative system in its past domain. Thus, one gets the impression that Zazaki consistently shows ergative-absolutive alignment pattern, and thus has not changed from its Middle Iranian proto-language. In this study, by bringing into light data from the previously-undescribed Mutki dialect of Zazaki (spoken in 11 villages in Bitlis), we will show that there are remarkable changes also in the alingment system of Zazaki dialects.

In our study, we show that in Mutki, the case distinctions in third person forms (singular and plural) are neutralized. Secondly, the case distinctions are neutralized in marking the subject (S/A), such that only one case form is systematically used for this syntactic function. Similarly, contrary to canonical ergativity in West Iranian where the O-past is in direct case, in Mutki dialect pronouns in this function are systematically marked through oblique case. Finally, given that case distinctions are neutralized in the argument marking of the past domain, the oblique form of the 1SG pronoun, mi, is used also to encode the subject of an intransitive clause.

We thus provide a detailed description of the pronominal system, case marking of the clausal arguments, pronouns and noun phrases, and the status of verb agreement in the system. We compare the resulting system with the rest of Zazaki and provide explanations to the changes in Mutki in terms of language contact and language-internal rearrangements of the case and agreement systems.

The Perception of Identity and the Projection of

Social Identity of Varto Alevis

 

Fırat Taş

Muş Alparslan University

 

Varto (Gimgim), which is a district of Muş province located in the eastern part of Turkey, is a notable area as Sunnite and Alawite (Alevi) people live together there. The majority of the Alawite population speaks Zazaki whereas the rest of them speak Kurmanji. Alawites themselves are organized in several large tribal confederations. It is worth investigating the issue of the religious, ethnic and tribal identity perception of Alawite people belonging to guilds in addition to those who belong to tribes. This study is an attempt to examine the identity self-perception of Varto Alawites (Alawite people living in Varto district) through one on one interview with the field research method, and to demonstrate the geographical, ethnologic and political projection of this identity perception. The main objective of the current study is to evaluate the social mutuality of all identity elements and expressions based on the identity perception of Varto Alawites in the light of the information obtained during the field research, and to establish the position of this community within the frameworks of religion, sect, ethnicity, folk and nation concepts. In addition to the information obtained in the field research, it also questions the conditions and continuity of identity construction of Alawite population in Turkey by providing a literature review on their ethnic, religious and political identity perception throughout the history.   

 

Alevism in Dersim :An Example of the Invention of Tradition

Contributing to Assimilation of the Dersimis

 

Özcan Yilmaz

University of Geneva

 

The Alevi revivalism (or Alevism) on-going in Turkey and European diaspora since the 1990s affects also Dersim and agitates adherents of Alevi, Zaza, Kurdish and Turkish identities in this region. Alevi revivalism in Dersim is a consequence of the failure of Kemalist and Communist ideologies in Dersim. It is strengthened by the AKP’s (Justice and Development Party) pro-Sunnis policies and the discriminative policies and practices vis-à-vis Alevis.

The proposal argues that Alevism in Dersim could be analysed as an “invention of tradition” conceptualised by E. Hobsbawn and T. Ranger. It is an “invented tradition” insofar it constitutes a response to the on-going identity crisis in Dersim and tries to win some legitimacy through references to a supposed (alevi) past and focuses on the new places of memory (Cem Evi, Haci Bektas Town in Nevsehir, etc.). It also that while providing a powerful resistance to Zaza and Kurdish nationalisms in Dersim, Alevism contributes to the marginalisation or erasure of the specificity of Kirmanc identity of Dersim, and to the assimilation of Dersimis to a turkish version of Alevi-Bektashi identity.

Thus, after specifying the notions of alevism, and the various alevi identities, the presentation (and paper) will examine how through its references to a new (or non Dersimi) past, and new places of memory (non Dersimi also), Alevism opposes to Kurdish and Zaza nationalisms and contributes to assimilation of local Dersimi Kirmanc identity.

 

К вопросу о попытках распространения

 крайне-шиитских верований в Нагорном Дагестане

(на материале аварского текста первой половины ХV11в.)

 

Тимирлан Айтберов

Институт Археологии и Этнографии, Махачкала

 

1) Нагорный Дагестан, подавляющую часть населения которого составляют аварцы, является родиной пяти общепризнанных шариатских имамов, то есть, военно-религиозных и административно-политических вождей суннитов Восточного Кавказа. Население данной части РД придерживается, причем уже давно,   шафиитского толка в суннизме, а также, входит - в массе своей - в те или иные суфийские ордена; прежде всего это накшбендийа и шазилийа, но есть и кадирийцы (кунта-хаджинцы ).

2) Ранее мало известные письменные источники говорят о том, однако,  что несколько столетий тому назад в  Дагестане  имели распространение и другие суфийские ордена  ( например,  сухравардийа, сафавийа, халватийа ) , а также,  делались попытки распространить среди дагестанских горцев  воззрения крайних шиитов, например, хуруфизм.

3) О последнем обстоятельстве узнаем мы из одного трудно читаемого текста на аварском языке, составленного в Сефевидскую эпоху в истории Восточного Кавказа, где излагается учение Насими и ставятся иные вопросы.

 

Пантюркизм vs Паниранизм в борьбе за Курдистан

 

Антон Евстратов

Российско-армянский (славянский) Университет

 

  1. Положение курдов в Турции с точки зрения законодательства.

Культурные, национальные организации, политические союзы и партии турецких курдов в борьбе против отуречивания в пределах Турецкой республики

  1. Религиозные объединения курдов Турции. Проблема алевизма в контексте политического противостояния. Алевизм – фактор объединения турецких курдов.
  2. Иранские интересы в турецком Курдистане и точки соприкосновения иранцев и курдов: религиозный и политический аспекты.
  3. Возможности Ирана и паниранистской идеологии в деле поддержки курдов Турции в сравнении с идеологическими возможностями пантюркизма: перспективы и сценарии развития событий.

 

Дейлемитские миграции в 9-10 веках

 

С.А.Маркарян

Институт Автохтонных Народов

Кавказско-Каспийского Региона, Ереван

 

Дейлемиты – горное племя иранцев, которые занимали западные склоны Гилянских гор. Жили они в основном животноводством, земли им не хватало для занятий землеводством. Поэтому дейлемиты часто нанимались воинами в контингенты различных правителей Западного Ирана. Они были известны ка неприхотливые воины, хорошо переносившие трудности походной жизни. Из их среды вышел и вождь Буидов Мардавидж и вся дейлемитская династия. Дейлемиты активно перемещались в 9-10 веках в сторону запада, поселялись вокруг оз. Ван. Причины этой миграции на запад до конца неясны и сегодня, но дейлемиты заселили в эти времена обширную территорию западнее иранских границ.

 

شباهت زبان مردم زازا با گیلکی  مازندرانی و پارسی

 

الهه تقوایی

Elahe Taqvayi

Yerevan State University

 

دیملیها پس از مهاجرتشان در قرون وسطی به مدت حدوداً یک هزاره ارتباط مستقیمی با نزدیکترین خویشاوندان زبانیشان نداشتند. با این حال، زبانشان خط مرزهای زبانی پرشماری را با گویشهای منطقه جنوب کاسپین حفظ کرده و جایگاهش در گروه گویشهای کرانه کاسپین ایرانی شمال غربی واضح است. گویشهای تالشی، گیلکی، مازندرانی هرزندانی، گورانی  و برخی گویشها در مناطق تاتی زبان و منطقه پیرامون سمنان گویشهای حاشیه جنوبی کاسپین را تشکیل می‌دهند. این گویشها از نظر تاریخی، به گروه زبانهای ایرانی شمال غربی  وابسته بوده و با پارتی  در ارتباط است.

بيش­تر ديلمك­ها يا زازاها علوي­اند وبرخي از آداب و رسوم مسيحي به ويژه ارمني در ميان آن­ها رايج است.

دیلمیان ترکیه  به مردم زازا یا دیمیلی مشهورند که در نیمه مرکزی شرق ترکیه ، در  (ترکیه کنونی) یعنی در غرب دریاچه وان و در  (بین النهرین) بین دجله و فرات زندگی می کنند.

محدوده زندگی دیملی‌ها در کردستان ترکیه شامل درسیم، الازیغ، ارزنجان و دیاربکر می‌باشد آنها در مناطقی مانند دیاربکر با کرمانج‌ها زندگی می‌کنند و بیشتر آنها به کرمانجی صحبت کنند.

به نوشته‌ی دكتر گارنيك آساطريان ديلميك را از روي تمسخر زازا ناميده­اند چه اين در سخنشان سايشي­هاي فراواني است و از آن­روست كه ترك­ها اين نام را بر آنان نهاده­اند. در گويش مردم ارمني تارون- توروبران واژه ی  زازا معني لال را دارد.

 

عقائد و آداب و رسوم علویان

 

Mahmoud Joneydi-Jafari

Institute for Humanitites and Cultural Research, Tehran

 

علوی در لغت به معنای منسوب به علی(علیه السلام) است و در اصطلاح به کسی گفته می شود که آن حضرت را بر سه خلیفه دیگر ترجیح داده و پیرو اوست.

علویان حدود هشت قرن پیش به سرزمین آناتولی آمدند و اکنون حدود یک سوم جمعیت ترکیه را تشکیل می دهند و 20 الی 25 میلیون جمعیت دارند. علویان در تمام مناطق ترکیه زندگی می کنند، ولی بیشتر آنها در غرب ترکیه هستند.

علویان از حیث ادب و هنر بسیار غنی اند و از زمانی که به آناتولی آمدند صدها تن شاعر و متفکر تربیت کردند. فشارهای عثمانی باعث شد که آنان از منابع و ارزشهای خود دور بمانند. از زمان تشکیل حکومت ترکیه نیز چون تمام مراکز دینی بسته شد، مراکز علویان هم تعطیل شد و این نیز تأثیر بسزایی در دور ماندن آنها از ارزشهای خود داشته است.

علوی گری با مسلمان شدن ترکمنها شروع می شود. ترکمنها زندگی کوچی داشتند و پس از مسلمان شدن نیز مثل اقوام دیگر بعضی از آداب و رسوم خود را حفظ کردند. از قرن یازدهم میلادی ترکمنها به آناتولی آمدند و در این سرزمین با تمدنهای دیگر آشنا شدند. آنان در حکومت عثمانی با مجاهدتهای بسیار، خود را حفظ کردند و اکنون بخش زیادی از مردم ترکیه را تشکیل می دهند.

در نگاهی عمومی، علویان مسلمان اند. چون نه از غلات اند و نه از کسانی که یکی از ضروریات دین را انکار کرده باشند. آنان قطعاً سنی نیستند، چون با ارزشهای اهل سنت سرسخت مخالف اند. علویان ترکیه از مذهب اثناعشری اند. ادبیات آنان پر است از اشعاری در مدح دوازده امام که در آنها محبت و وابستگی و ارادت خویش را نسبت به اهل بیت(علیهم السلام) اظهار می کنند.

کلمه علوی با کلمه شیعه معنای مترادف دارد. این معنا هم از لغت نامه ها و هم از دایرة المعارفها و هم کتابهای علویان روشن می شود. کلمه علوی در لغت ترکی استانبولی نیز با شیعه دوازده امامی مترادف است. اگرچه مهم نیست گروهی که در سرزمین آناتولی زندگی می کنند، در چه زمانی علوی نامیده شده اند ولی با این حال، بنابر ادعای یکی از نویسندگان، علویها را حدود 250 سال پیش به این نام نامیده اند تا آنها را از شیعه جدا کنند.

بنابراین آغاز پیدایش علویان را باید از زمان حیات پیغمبر اکرم(صلی الله علیه و آله) دانست. البته در کتابهای تاریخی و روایی آنان نه علوی بلکه شیعة علی(علیه السلام) نامیده شده اند.

 

 

نزدیکی خاستگاه جغرافیایی و زبانی اقوام زازا و تالش

 

آرمین حیدریان

Armin Heydarian

University of Gilan

 

 زازاها یکی از اقوام ایرانی ساکن کشور ترکیه امروزی هستند که بیشینه آنها در منطقه آناتولی شرقی ترکیه و حد فاصل زیستگاه کردها و ترک ها زندگی می نمایند. زبان زازا ها که توسط خود ایشان زازاکی و دملکی نامیده می شود از زبان های هند و اروپایی شاخه هند و ایرانی است که در بخش زبان های شمال غربی ایران مانند زبان های گروه کاسپین یعنی تالشی، تاتی، گیلکی، مازندرانی و گروه کردی به شکل مستقل و با عنوان زبان های گروه زازاکی – گورانی دسته بندی می شود. گرچه برخی زازاها را یکی از تیره های کرد معرفی می کنند ولی تحقیقات جدید انجام یافته نشان می دهد که زازاها یک قوم مستقل ایرانی می باشند که خاستگاه جغرافیایی و گذشته تاریخی جداگانه با کردها داشته و زبان آنان نیز جدا از کردی است و بیشترین نزدیکی را با زبان تالشی دارد. حتی در مسائل فرهنگی و مذهبی نیز می توان این تفاوت را مشاهده نمود. باورهای شفاهی کهنسالانِ زازا مُبَیِنِ مهاجرت آنان از منطقه دیلمان کرانه های جنوبی دریای کاسپین به آناتولی شرقی می باشد که کم و بیش شواهد و قراین علمی دال بر صحت این موضوع وجود دارد. بررسی تطبیقی واژگان زبان های زازاکی با تالشی نیز به نوبه خویش توانسته است این نزدیکی خاستگاه جغرافیایی و زبانی میان زازاها و تالش ها در گذشته را به اثبات نزدیکتر کند.

 

مقاومت های خاندان باوندی در برابر قدرت یابی علویان

 

شبنم صدرجمالی

Shabnam Sadrjamali

Caucasian Centre for Iranian Studies, Yerevan

 

تبرستان، تپورستان یا تپوران، سرزمینی محصور میان کوه و دریا بود که به علت دشواری دسترسی، آن را تبدیل به آخرین سنگرهای مقاومت ایرانیان در مقابل مهاجمان خارجی بدل ساخته بود تا جایی که پس از اسلام، هم زمان با کشورگشایی های مسلمانان سه خاندان مهم قارن وند، بادوسپانیان و باوندیان که نسبشان به دودمان ساسانی می رسد بر همه یا قسمتی از طبرستان حکمرانی می کردند. این منطقه درفاصله زمانی 360 - 250 هجری قمری شاهد حرکتهای مهم اعتراضی نسبت به دستگاه خلافت عباسی و حکومت های طاهری و صفاری و سامانی بود که منشآ تحولات اساسی در ایران به خصوص منطقه طبرستان بود علویان که در سال 250 هجری قمری به دلیل شدت یافتن آزار و اذیتی  که در روزگار خلافت متوکل متحمل شده بودند به کوهستان های طبرستان پناه آوردند مورد استقبال اهالی طبرستان و دیلم که از بیداد محمد اوس کارگزار سلیمان بن عبدالله به ستوه آمده بودند، قرار گرفتند. در این میان تنها خاندان باوندیان بودند که در برابر علویان ایستادگی  کردند. در این مقاله، تاریخچه خاندان باوندیان و درگیری و پیکار های این خاندان با علویان مورد بررسی قرار گرفته است.

 

 

خاستگاه آل بویه و دیلمیان در گیلان

ابراهیم صفری

Ebrahim Safari

University of Gilan

آل بویه  یا بومیان ( 320-427 ق/ 932-1055 م ) از دودمان های دیلمی زیدی مذهب ایرانی پس از اسلام است که دربخش مرکزی و غربی و جنوبی ایران و عراق فرمانروایی می کردند و ازدیلم در لاهیجان گیلان برخاسته بودند .

بوبیان ، دودمانی ازدیلمیان بودند و به زبانی ایرانی بسیار شبیه به زبان گیلکان صحبت می کردند . سرزمین بوبیان ، دیلمستان بود. فرزندان بویه ، پس از مرگ مرداویج به پشتوانه جنگجویان گیل و دیلم حکومت خود را بر بخش های وسیعی از مرکز ، غرب و جنوب ایران گستراندند . یکی از برادران ، سپس با استفاده از اوضاع نابسامان خلافت عباسی بغداد را تسخیر کرد وعراق رانیز قلمرو بوبیان افزود . نتایج تحقیق نشان می دهد در باختر و مرکز ایران دو دودمان از دیلمیان به نام زیاریان (۳۲۰ هـ. ق) و آل بویه که هر دو از سرزمین‌های گیلان برخاسته‌اند مرکزی و باختری ایران و فارس را از دست خلفا آزاد کردند. دیلمیان نام قوم و دیلمی نام گویشی در منطقه کوهستانی گیلان بود به نام دیلمستان. دیلمیان سخت نیرو گرفتند و مدت ۱۲۷ سال حکومت راندند و چون خلفا در برابر آن‌ها چاره‌ای جز تسلیم ندیدند حکومت بغداد را به آنها واگذاشتند و خود بعنوان خلیفگی و احترامات ظاهری بسنده کردند. این سلسله در سال ۴۴۷ هـ.ق. بدست سلجوقیان و به خاطر اختلاف همیشگی که با آل زیار و دیگر امیران محلی ایرانی داشتند، از میان رفتند. در سال‌های ناتوانی و انحطاط بغداد که فرماندهان ترک و کرد و گیل و دیلم خلیفه را هم در تختگاه وی دست نشانده قدرت و غلبه خویش ساخته بودند، با آن که در ایران اندیشه ایجاد یک قدرت پایدار همراه با زنده ساختن حکومتی مانند حکومت ساسانیان در خاطر بسیاری از داعیه داران این دوره، از گیل و دیلم و طبری شکفته بود، به بار نشستن این آرزو آن هم در یک مدت کوتاه، تا اندازه‌ای تنها برای آل بویه ممکن شد که آن نیز به سبب اختلافات خانگی، تقید به پیروی از دعوت زیدیان و برخورد با آشوب‌های خراسان به نتیجه نرسید.

در فرهنگ انجمن ناصرى آمده است : ديلم و ديلميان ، با اول مكسور و يا مجهول و لام مضموم ، نام شهرى است از ولايات گيلان كه موى مردم آنجا اغلب مجعد است . و در بستان السياحه آمده است : ديلميان محلى است مسرت نشان از اطراف گيلان و از توابع لاهيجان و از قديم مردمش شيعه بوده اند كه پادشاهان ديالمه از آنجا برخاسته اند و اكثر ايشان به زيور كلمات آراسته اند.

 

 

نگاهی به جغرافیای تاریخی دیلم

امیر ضیغمی

Amir Zeyghami

Caucasian Centre for Iranian Studies, Yerevan

 

نام «دیلم» که در منابع جغرافیایی به بخش کوهستانی گیلان اطلاق می‌شود برگرفته از نام قومی کهن است که در این منطقه می‌زیسته‌اند. در روزگار فرمانروایی آل بویه، این نام بر مناطق جغرافیایی مجاور نیز اطلاق می‌شد و گیلان، طبرستان، گرگان و قومس را در برمی‌گرفت. در دوره‌های بعد، این نواحی از هم تفکیک شد و نام دیلم هم به تدریج متروک گشت و گیلان (جیلان) جای آن را گرفت. این منطقه در طول تاریخ به دلیل موقعیت جغرافیایی خاص، یعنی داشتن راه‌های کوهستانی پر پیچ‌ و خم و گردنه‌های صعب العبور و همچنین وجود دژهای استوار و رشادت و جنگاوری قوم دیلم حالتی خودمختار داشت و پس از فتح ایران به دست مسلمانان نیز در تمام دورۀ امویان و اوایل دورۀ عباسیان مرزهای آن گشوده نشد و به همین سبب «دارالکفر» خوانده می‌شد. از شهرهای تاریخی دیلم می‌توان به «رودبار» و «بروان» اشاره کرد. نام دیلم در جاینام‌های مناطق جغرافیایی دیگر، حاکی از مهاجرت تاریخی این قوم به سایر نقاط ایران است. در تاریخ‌های کهن ارمنی نیز از جایی به نام «دیلمستان» در آذربایجان یاد شده است که می‌توان آن را نشانه‌ای از مهاجرت قوم دیلم به این منطقه یا محل استقرار این قوم برای تاخت‌وتاز به نواحی اطراف دانست.

 

 

نقش آل بویه / حکومت دیلمیان در هنر و دانش ایرانیان

 

روشنک گلدوست

Roshanak Goldust

University of Gilan

 

سلسله ی ال بویه را پسران ابوشجاع بویه از اهالی دیلم گیلان، پایه گذاری کردند . بویه شغل صیادی رارها کرد وبه همراه فرزندان خود ، به خدمت سرداران محلی در آمد. پسران بویه پس از پیوستن به مرداویج ، به حکومت مختلف منصوب شدند. دوران حکومت آل بویه عصر پیشرفت علم و ادب بود. حاکمان آل بویه علاقه خاصی به اهل علم داشتند و به خصوص از شعرا و علمای حکمت استقبال می‌کردند. در اوایل عهد بوییان علم چندان رونقی نداشت و توجه‌ بیشتر به امور سیاسی معطوف شده بود. در مقابل با به قدرت رسیدن عضد الدوله به دلیل صلح و آرامش ناشی از حکومت او و علاقه خود وی به دانش، بازار علم، رونق دوباره یافت و در زمان حکومت فرزندان او هم همچنان به راه خود ادامه داد. مهم‌ترین دستاوردهای این دوران در زمینه نجوم، پزشکی و ریاضیات بود.

در قرن چهارم هـ ، با قدرت یافتن آل بویه ، اوضاع جدیدی برای اثار و اندیشه ها فراهم شد. در مرکز خلافت اسلامی بغداد ، دانشمندان بزرگی ، در زمینه های مختلف علوم و فنون به عرضه ی دیدگاه ها و نظریات خود پرداختند .

نتایج این تحقیق نشان می دهد که این عصر، از لحاظ کتاب و کتابخانه ، نسبت به عصرهای دیگر، امتیازات خاصی داشته است . نخستین کتابخانه ی سلطنتی ایران، متعلق به سلسله ی شیعی وایرانی آل بویه بود که در قرن چهارم و اوایل قرن پنجم هـ به مدت صد سال بر فارس، ری و عراق عرب ، حکومت می راندند.

نقش وزرا و امرای آل بویه، در تأسیس کتابخانه ها ، قابل توجه است . این وزرا در حال وزارت خود علاوه بر پرداختن به امور دیوانی و کشوری، در راه ترویج دانش و ادب و هنر نیز می کوشیدندو حتی خانه ی خود را به مجمع و محل رفت و آمد علما و دانشمندان تبدیل کرده بودند . در آن زمان در هر رشته از علم و ادب ، بهترین و نفیس ترین کتاب ها ، نشوته شد و با شکوه ترین و مهمترین کتابخانه ها و گنجینه های علوم بوجود آمد. در شهرهای مختلف ایران و عراق ، کتابخانه هایی وجود داشت که در هیچ زمانی، نظیری برآنها پیدا نشد . جامعه اسلامی در دوران آل بویه ، گام های بسیار گسترده ای در عرصه ی پیشرفت علمی برداشت. به همین جهت ، آن دوران از شکوفاترین دوران از لحاظ آزادی دینی، فرهنگی و قلمیمحسوب می شود . این آزادی ها ، انگیزه ای براتی نوابغ علوم و ادب و فرهنگ از مذاهب مختلف اسلامی، آن دوران ایجاد کرد.

مطالعات نشان می دهد که تعدادی از کتاب های مهم و معتبر شیعه، در همین دوران تألیف شده اند. لذا سراسر دوران حکومت آل بویه را باید دوران سعی و ترویج مذاهب اهل بیت(ع) دانست و همین ویژگی مهم حکومت آل بویه که باعث پیشرفت شیعه و سبب مطالعات شیعه در بسیاری از علوم شد.

وزرای عهد بوییان اکثراً از افراد دانشمند زمانه خود بودند که توسط حاکمان آل بویه به منصب وزارت رسیدند. تأثیر اعمال وزرا در هر شاخه از حکمرانان آل بویه متفاوت بود. در شاخه بوییان جبال به دلیل آرامش منطقه و حضور وزرای دانشمند علم پیشرفت کرد و در شاخه بوییان فارس و خوزستان و عراق اختلافات داخلی و فروش مقام وزارت دردسر ساز بود.

 

قومس در متون جغرافیایی کهن

عباسعلی مدیح

Abbasali Madih

University of Birjand

  

واژۀ «قومس» که معرب «کومس» یا «کومش» است، نام سرزمینى است پهناور در دامنۀ کوهستان طبرستان که بین رى و نیشابور قرار داشته است و «بسطام» و «بیار» از شهرهای مشهور آن بوده‌اند. «یاقوت» در «معجم البلدان» نوشته است که گروهی سمنان را نیز از قومس شمارند و برخی آن را جزو ری می‌دانند.
این سرزمین به واسطۀ قرار‌داشتن میان طبرستان و بخش‌های مرکزی فلات ایران و همچنین به عنوان گذرگاهی مابین خراسان و ماوراءالنهر از یک سو و آذربایجان از سوی دیگر، همواره از اهمیت ویژه‌ای برخوردار بوده است. شاهراه خراسان که از ری در ناحیۀ جبال می‌آمد و به نیشابور در خراسان منتهی می‌شد از قومس می‌گذشت و شهرهای مهم قومس نیز بر سر این راه واقع بود. بنابر نوشتۀ یعقوبی از شاهراه کنار قومس تا شهر نیشابور نه منزل راه بوده است. این منطقه در دوره فرمانروایی مادها و هخامنشیان بخشی از ایالت پارت به شمار می‌رفت.

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