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Conf/Abstracts - Conference of Young Armenian Diaspora Researchers in the Field of Humanities, 22 July 2017



Opportunity Cover Image - Conf/Abstracts - Conference of Young Armenian Diaspora Researchers in the Field of Humanities, 22 July 2017

Միջազգային հարաբերություններ/International Relations

Այդ հեռավոր և խորհրդավոր «Մետաքսի ճանապարհի» ոլորաններում․առաջարկներ ՀՀ-ին
Մհեր Սահակյան (Չինաստանի Հայկական համայնքի նախագահ)

Սույն հոդվածն անդրադառնում է չինական «Մեկ գոտի, մեկ ճանապարհ» նախաձեռնությանը։
Հիմնական նպատակն է վերլուծել և գործնական առաջարկներ տրամադրել, թե ինչու՞ և ինչպե՞ս Հայաստանը կարող է մասնակցել այս ծրագրին։ Առաջին հատվածում հեղինակը ներկայացնում է վերոնշյալ ծրագրի միջոցով չինական կողմի հետապնդած նպատակները։ Երկրորդ հատվածում մատնանշվում են Մեկ գոտի, մեկ ճանապարհի առանձնահատկությունները։ Խոսվում է, թե ի՞նչ հնարավորություններ է առաջարկում այն մեծ ու փոքր երկրներին։ Երրորդ հատվածում հեղինակը պատասխանում է՝ ի՞նչ կարող է անել Հայաստանը հարցին՝ առաջ քաշելով յոթ առաջարկ․

1. Լրջորեն ուսումնասիրել «Մեկ գոտի, մեկ ճանապարհ» նախաձեռնությունը։
2. Ստեղծել արհեստավարժ թիմ, որը կմշտադիտարկի ոլորտը և արդյունքները կներկայացնի կառավարությանը։
3. Փորձել Չինաստանից ներդրումներ ստանալ գյուղատնտեսության համար՝ պայմանով, որ ստացված տեխնիկայի և նորարարական տեխնոլոգիաների փոխարեն Չինաստանին կմատակարարվեն միրգ և բանջարեղեն։ Պահանջվում է, որ դրանք պետք է զերծ լինեն
քիմիական հավելանյութերից և աճեցվեն «մաքուր հողերում», որոնք հեռու են քիմիական գործարաններից և թափոններից։ Այսպիսի բնամթերքը կարող է հաջողություն ունենալ Չինաստանում, որտեղ հողի և օդի աղտոտվածության մակարդակը բարձր է։ Նույն տրա_ մաբանությամբ կարելի է նաև ներդրումներ ստանալ մսամթերք արտադրելու համար (Չինաստանում հատկապես մեծ է տավարի մսի պահանջարկը)։ Այս դեպքում ևս պետք է նշել, որ մսամթերքը լինելու է առանց քիմիական հավելանյութերի։
4. Կազմակերպել հատուկ ծրագիր, որի ընթացքում ՀՀ կհրավիրվեն չինացի գործարարներ, նրանց ներկայացնել, որ ՀՀ-ում աշխատուժն ավելի էժան է, քան Չինաստանում և հարավասիական մի շարք երկրներում։ Հայաստանում արտադրելու դեպքում նրանք հնարավորություն կունենան արդյունքը վաճառել նաև Եվրասիական տնտեսական միությունում։
5. Չինաստանին առաջարկել վերականգնել և արդիականացնել Խորհրդային Միությունից մնացած հայկական քիմիական գործարաններն ու ինստիտուտները, քանի որ քիմիական ապրանքները դեռևս պահանջարկ ունեն հետխորհրդային շատ երկրներում և կարող են
վաճառվել Եվրասիական տնտեսական միությունում։ Հայաստանը կստանա աշխատատեղեր, Չինաստանը՝ շահույթ։
6. Ուղիղ չվերթներ կազմակերպել՝ Երևան-Պեկին-Երևան, Երևան-Շանհայ-Երևան, Երևան-Գուանջոու-Երևան։ Այս քայլի միջոցովկհեշտանա հայ գործարարների մուտքը Չինաստան, կմեծանա չինացի զբոսաշրջիկների թիվը։

Ի դեպ, քանի որ Չինաստանում մեծ հետաքրքրություն կա քրիստոնեության նկատմամբ, ճիշտ գովազդի դեպքում, կարծում եմ, շատերը կհետաքրքրվեն ՀՀ ժամանելով, որն աշխարհում առաջինն է քրիստոնեությունն ընդունել որպես պետական կրոն։ Հնարավոր տարբերակ է, որ հետաքրքրություն առաջացնեն նաև էկոտուրիզմն ու «մաքուր օդ» շնչելու գաղափարը։ Սա հնարավոր կլինի, եթե կրճատվեն չվերթների ժամանակն ու տոմսերի գինը, Հայաստանը հավուր պատշաճի գովազդվի Չինաստանում։
7. Ցայժմ նույնիսկ Չինաստանի վիզա ստանալու դեպքում ՀՀ քաղաքացին պարտավոր է գումար ծախսել, բյուրոկրատական քաշքշուկի մեջ ընկնել Հոնկոնգի առանձին վիզա ձեռք բերելու համար։
Մինչդեռ՝ աշխարհի մյուս երկրների քաղաքացիները, չինական վիզա ունենալով, հնարավորություն են ստանում ճանապարհորդել Չինաստանի ամբողջ տարածքում, այդ թվում նաև Հոնկոնգում։ Իսկ «հատուկ ցուցակում» գտնվող մի շարք երկրների՝ Աֆղանստանի, Հայաստանի, Սոմալիի քաղաքացիները Հոնկոնգ այցելելու համար ընկնում են քաշքշուկների մեջ։ Պետք է ՀՀ-ն հանել այդ ցուցակից և վերադարձնել «նորմալ երկրների» ցանկ, որպեսզի ՀՀ քաղաքացիները ևս Չինաստանի վիզա ստանալու դեպքում դյուրին մուտք գործեն նաև ֆինանսական ու նորարարական տեխնոլոգիաների միջազգային կենտրոն համարվող Հոնկոնգ։

The dynamic of the politico-economic developments and relations of the

South Caucasian states with Russia and the EU in 1991-2013

Marine Sargsyan (Leiden University, Netherlands)

Abstract: This paper is a comparative analysis of power play challenges in the South Caucasus region, that has regained its political, economic and strategic importance in last two decades, due to the shifts in global politics, its geographical location and natural energetic resources. The postsoviet path of the South Caucasian countries is analyzed through the prism of power relationship between small states and the great powers. The paper moves towards an understanding of how historical events such as the collapse of the Soviet Union and the

emergence of the European Neighbourhood Policy impact on political orientation of small states. It further explores how Armenia, Georgia and Azerbaijan are integrating into the Western democratic system, the Eastern Partnership Programme of the European Union from one side, and their political course applied towards new Russia from the other. This extends to the main points of contention between Brussels and Moscow; the clash between the Eastern Partnership and Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) membership, the extent to which Armenia, Georgia and Azerbaijan have strengthened their relations with the EU or remained under the influence of the Russian Federation. From a theoretical point of view, this work evaluates how

small states formulate and maintain their policy priorities in the context of interaction with, and between, larger and stronger powers.

The academic value of the article is an answer of how small states in transition deal with the shift of political regime and interact with the great powers in the regional geopolitics. It investigates whether vulnerable small states with political conflicts and big foreign leverage are able to handle the external pressure and create a sovereign statehood or not. This paper is a new input in contemporary political history of the South Caucasus and the study of politics of small states.

Political and Economic Institution Building on the Way to Democratic Transition: The Case of Armenia

Tatevik Azizyan (College of Europe, Natolin, Poland)

Abstract: After the end of the Cold War and the break-up of the Soviet Union, institutional change and the democratic transition have been the principal processes in the post-Soviet states. Since then, the democratic institutional framework has become the ideal form of the organization of power and public life, and many countries have aimed at reaching that ideal level. Ideal democracies do not exist and there is no exemplary form of functioning consolidated democracy that the countries in transition may follow. However, there are certain rules and regulations, principles and indicators which have become the general benchmarks for those countries to follow. Some of these regulations include the process of how the institutions should emerge, how they should operate and how they should carry out institutional change. In the academic literature, this change implies democratic transition within the institutions through the adoption of liberalized market economy rules and democratic political norms and values.

There are differences in countries’ growth levels across the globe and, as institutional theorists believe, the fundamental explanation of comparative growth is the differences in institutions. The differences in growth levels imply rising inequality in the society, which, in the aftermath, implies different life satisfaction levels from country to country. The transition process creates unhappiness in the society, as it has its ups and downs on the way to democratic transformation of the functioning institutions. This is also because of the fact that the close interaction among different types of institutions – political, economic, social, public etc. – is inevitable and institutional change applies to all the societal levels. This study, firstly, concentrates on the organizational setting of the political and economic institutions. The interconnectedness of these two is quite complex and strong and it influences all the levels of public life. Secondly, we discuss democratic transition theory and present the general layout of institutional change during the democratic transition.

As the case study of our work is Armenia, we examine the path of democratic transition and political and economic institution building in Armenia. We present democracy promotion objectives and institution building mechanisms by the European Union and analyze the cooperation framework between the two parties based on documents signed or agreed upon and reports made after the implementation of the joint projects. Our document analysis provides evidence on what have been the priority areas of cooperation and to what extent the European Union was engaged with Armenia on its institutional change and democratic transition.

Diplomacy of Small States

Edgar Khachatryan (Estonian School of Diplomacy)

Abstract: This essay examines the manner in which small states conduct their diplomacy to pursue their foreign policy objectives, and to manage their participation in the global community of nations. I won’t go into details to define whether smallness of a state is about the size of territory or population, GDP or military strength but rather to discuss the states which are not global powers but still are the members of international community and can have their say.

If I examine the example of Armenia, which is in economic blockade by two neighbors, has no exit to the sea and is lacking rich natural resources, I would say that Armenia sometimes is implying “diasporic diplomacy” in foreign policy issues namely through Armenian lobby by Armenian communities in the US, Russia or elsewhere, for example, when it comes to recognition of the Armenian Genocide or US Congress financial aid to unrecognized Nagorno-Karabakh Republic. I would say the same for the Jewish community abroad for the good of Israel.

I would once again highlight that small states contribute significantly in the realm of, particularly, multilateral diplomacy and international organization. They take small but effective steps through region-engaging and region-constraining. The elements of a shared collective identity are major factors of influence in the world affairs. Thus, small states are necessary and active partners in the global community of nations.

 

Cyberspace – A Manmade Sphere for Wars

Anahit Parzyan (Nanjing University, China)

Abstract: Internet can be considered as one of the greatest achievements of humanity of the last century, which connected the entire world. It created a new space for connections, information and communications, as well as cooperation. Thus, it created also a new platform for conflicts which involved not only individuals but also states. The invention of the twentieth century, the internet, has become another sphere for international relations, and a new space for defensive and offensive policies for regulating and balancing those affairs. The space called cyberspace has become a platform for interactions not only between individuals, but also between states.

Can cyberspace be considered a new sphere for war? Can conflicts and offensive and defensive operations in cyberspace be considered a real war?

The aim of this article is to specify offensive and defensive actions occurring in cyberspace and to explain the differences and similarities between them and the classical approach to war present in other spheres: land, water, air, and space. Despite the overgrowth of offensive interactions in cyberspace and defensive strategies for enriching the cyber arsenal of states, military specialists have concerns over the reality of cyberwars in general. Parallels are drawn to show the similarities and differences between definitions and perceptions of war, and whether concepts from the classical approach can be transferred to describe wars in the cyber sphere.  This research puts cyberwars in line with other wars, thus analyzing their peculiarities, whilst Cyberspace is seen as another sphere for war and international relations in addition to the existing spheres of land, water, air, and space.

Media Literacy:  Credibility Assessment in the Digital Age

Lisa Lehimdjian (Johns Hopkins University)

Abstract: Credibility assessment is approached through various means and as a result, it is important to understand how and why certain factors affect media literacy or one's likelihood to believe a news item.  News consumers assess credibility of information when encountering news items, yet despite the filtration process used to assess the quality of that information, news consumers continue to accept inaccurate information particularly when it concerns foreign policy.  The digital age has provided alternative sources to traditional sources, but the challenge to assess credibility persists.  Journalists and politicians are entrusted by society as credible sources of information, but does that mean they are credible?   Building upon existing frameworks and scientific studies, this study constructs a solution to the challenges of credibility assessment. Credibility assessment is dependent on media literacy.  By approaching an issue from different angles, news consumers and communication practitioners will be able to assess the value of the information more skillfully.

This qualitative analysis explores the three key factors of the consumer's perception of the source, the correlation between the topic of an issue and the credibility of the source, and finally the rising challenge of fake news.  Traditional sources of information and fake news generators are distinguished from each other by social and heuristic factors.  The content of the information relayed to the public by the sources, however, is indistinguishable.  The relay of consistent information does not necessarily make it credible.  Improving credibility assessment skills by applying this study's recommended approaches will improve the news consumer's media literacy and the communication practitioner's professional credibility.

The Hybrid of Post-coup Turkey: Looking Beyond the Dichotomy of Democracy vs. Autocracy and Secularism vs. Islamism

Varuzhan Geghamyan (St. Petersburg State University, Russia)

Abstract: Modern research on Erdoğan’s Turkey is predominantly constructed around the dichotomy of democracy versus autocracy and Islamism versus secularism, which are strongly connected with the popular metanarrative of success or failure of European modernization in Turkey. Meanwhile, the mentioned dichotomies are not sufficient to comprehensively understand Modern Turkey and the policy of ruling Justice and Development party (AKP). Why so called “Turkish Model” failed, why people vote for autocratic rule of Erdoğan, what is the future of democracy and Islam in Turkey? These are only a few of the issues that are impossible to answer without going beyond the simplistic debate on Islamism vs. secularism, democracy vs. autocracy. I argue, that Turkish Studies should embrace more from social sciences (i.e. anthropology and sociology) in order to understand the complex hybrid of many political and sociocultural patterns in Modern Turkey. In this paper, I look at the post-coup Turkish transformations of several state (army, police, government) and private organizations (NGO’s, libraries, media) and try to examine their new role in Turkish politics and society. I used anthropological approach to analyze socio-cultural and political transformations “from the bottom”, i.e. people’s perspectives on what happened in July 2016 and how it was negotiated between ruling elite/state and people. It is shown that main processes are derived from the new dominant identity. This identity is a hybrid of Islamic attitude, Turkish modern nationalism and Ottoman nostalgia. Anthropologist J. White suggests calling this Muslim Nationalism. Large range of textual and visual materials are examined.

Three “Big Member States” Foreign Policy towards the Arab-Israeli Peace Process

Anush Poghosyan (Europa-Universitat Flensburg, Germany)

European Union’s elation toward Arab-Israeli peace process itself is a paradox. It is like a mirror to show on which level is EU as an international actor. Middle East was on the agenda of EC from the begging and EU’s relation to the conflict reflects its actorness in international foreign policy. Middle East was a base for member state cooperation to represent joint foreign policy. On some stage they failed, though presented few successful projects, but not one joint decision for conflict resolution.

The fact that each member state has their own interest in the region due to historical, economic backgrounds. EU member states directly and indirectly implicated in the Middle East conflict because of many factors: geographic proximity, dependence on the Middle East oil and security needs as well because of the historical role played by several Member States in the region. EU efforts to formulate coherent and independence foreign policy is failed. First, political will and interest could not make it a keen aim on the political agenda and also due to the lack of cooperation attempts between member states. Second EU was suffering from the influence of international big players in the region which bounds EU’s actorness in the region. Till now EU reached joint economic policy but aiming to domain in foreign policy and decision-making process as a global actor. EU efforts on economic support and contribution in institution building create effective base for a visible and valuable change in the conflict only during years. The three large member states Germany, France and the UK are influential actors in the EU especially in the formation of foreign policy. The smaller member states do not have huge interests like Germany, France and UK outside their borders and present only limited foreign policy. During the last decade EU managed to present joint decisions based on consensus and information sharing. Analyzing three big member states not only give a notion how they shape EU foreign policy but also how EU affected their national polices. Almost for fifty years EU and member state diplomats were putting efforts to create EU joint foreign policy towards Arab-Israeli conflict and on the way of EU-level cooperation led them to Europeanization and this help to overcome national varieties and reach agreements on some level.

The Issue of the Language of Education in Dagestan During the Russian Revolution of 1917

Naira Sahakyan (European University at St. Petersburg, Russia)

Abstract: The collapse of the Russian Empire and the Civil War that followed later created an environment for the centrifugal forces of the imperial peripheries to struggle for implementation of their own programs. Among them were Dagestani Muslim leaders. While there was often disagreement among these leaders (there were several groups), in some cases they cooperated and even changed their opinions. One of such cases was the question of the language of education.  Having analyzed the historical works and the articles in the periodicals written by these leaders, as well as the official reports of their meetings kept in the archives of Dagestan, this paper examines the political situation in which the Dagestani leaders started cooperating or struggling to establish the educational system with their preferred language (mainly Arabic, Turkic, Russian). The current study investigates these processes directed to the establishment of the new educational system in Dagestan during the Revolution of 1917. It argues that during the Revolution the context was created in which the representatives of different groups, once criticizing each other, began mitigate their rhetoric, even changed their “language camps” to reach the shared goal. Even though these events had a century-long history, the traces of this cooperation formed the core of current religious and political situation of Dagestan which means that they could become a key for the research of today’s processes of the region as well.

Chinese Practice of International Investment law

Saren Abgaryan (Jiao Tong University, China)

Abstract: China has launched its bilateral investment treaty (BIT) practice in 1982 by signing its first ever agreement with Sweden. This was the start of an active treaty making practice, and now China has around 129 BITs and more than 5 free trade agreements (FTAs) with investment chapters, making China the second most active BIT maker in the world, after Germany (Germany has more the 135 BIT agreements). It is noteworthy that the practice of negotiating and signing a BIT has originated from Germany-Pakistan BIT signed in 1959. This BIT was the first in its kind document and it has influenced the future BITs with its substantial provisions as well as the structure that has been adopted. Since 1959, clear majority of countries have signed and continue signing international investment agreements (IIAs) and this field continues to be very dynamic: the former practices of having a short agreement has been substituted with longer texts, ambiguous clauses have been modified to reflect developments in case law and bringing more clarity, new protection mechanism and exceptions. The change is ongoing, and considering that international law applicable on foreign investments continues its dynamic development we will see further changes in the future. The general conclusion is that Chinese stance in providing substantial and procedural treatment standards has evolved considerably, moving from a restricted approach into a more liberal approach. The presentation of the abstract will briefly cover the evolution of substantive (i.e. national treatment standard, most-favored nation treatment, fair and equitable treatment, full protection and security, umbrella clause, monetary transfer, expropriation and compensation) and procedural standards (e.g., investor-state dispute settlement) and their potential influence on the flow of foreign capital into China.

 

Армянская классическая музыка, как путь сохранения армянской национальной идентичности между Арменией и Диаспорой

Микаэл Айрапетян (Московская консерватория имени П.И. Чайковского)

Резюме: Наступило очень интересное время, в которое армянский народ как в Армении, так и в Диаспоре по всему миру может наблюдать за Возрождением Армянской Классической музыки и широкого общественного интереса к ней.

 

Творчество Комитаса, Тиграняна, Чухаджяна, Бархударяна, Степаняна, Спендиарова, Хачатуряна, Бабаджаняна, Абрамяна, Багдасаряна, Арутюняна, Мирзояна, Амирханяна и других армянских композиторов, популяризацией которых занимается проект «Тайны Армении» помогает не только объединить армянский народ в любви к родному искусству, но и раскрыть перед народами других стран всю широчайшую палитру  самобытного и древнего  музыкального искусства Армении, обозначив ее самостоятельную позицию в общемировом классическом музыкальном наследии.

Հայ Դասական և Ժամանակակից գրողների ստեղծագործությունների թարգմանություն չինարեն լեզվով

Լիանա Եդիգարյան (Պաղեստին)

Թարգմանության նպատակն է  Չինաստանում , չին ընթերցողին ներկայացնել հայ գրողների հարուստ բաոապաշարով, գեղեցիկ կոլորիտով և ավանդույթներով  ստեղծագործություններ:

Թարգմանության նյութը, աղբյուրը`

Դասական և ժամանակակից հայ գրողների ստեղծագործություններ , որտեղ առկա են և շոշափվում են կյանքի տարբեր ոլորտների թեմաներ ու խնդիրներ:

Թարգմանության մեթոդներ`

Թարգմանություն չինարենի գիտելիքներիս բազայի և բաոարանների օգնությամբ,

oգտագործելով չինացիների խոսակցականին և մտածելակերպին մոտիկ լեզվական հմտություններս , որը ձեոք եմ բերել  երկար տարիներ բնակվելով չինացիների միջավայրում , ծանոթ լինելով չին ընթերցողին , ստեղծագործությունն «ուղիղ ընկալելու» բնավորությանը:


Conference Type
Publish Date
July 21, 2017




1 Comments

Arthur Shelby | 2019-07-22 01:27:49
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