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Abstracts of Papers, The 2nd International Conference on the Talishi Studies, 12-13 Nov., 2011, Yerevan, Armenia

Iran and the Caucasus

Event Date:

November 12, 2011 - November 13, 2011

Opportunity Cover Image - Abstracts of Papers, The 2nd International Conference on the Talishi Studies, 12-13 Nov., 2011, Yerevan, Armenia

Ali Granmayeh- United Kingdom, London Middle East Institute, SOAS, University of London

The Question of Talish and Communal Problems in Northern Iran

“The Talishi population in northern Iran is settled mostly in Guilan province, while a tiny part of it lives in newly- established province of Ardabil.

The Azerbaijani- Turkic language is spoken not only in Ardabil province but also in some locations of Talishi settlement in Guilan. However, this additional means of communication could never change the cultural milieu in Iran’s Talishi community.

The Guilanis and Talishis are identical in history, culture and traditions. Talishi and Guilaki are two dialects of one language, as the kadousi, Caspi and Amard ancestors of Talishis and Guilanis belonged to one territory.

As such, placing the two communities in one governorate  (Hokoumat) in the 19thand early 20th century and later in one province (Ostan) by Iranian governments, was a well-justified decision.

In recent years, a communal dispute over provincial boundaries of Guilan and Ardabil came to the surface which had a reflection in Iranian press and parliament. The focal point of dispute is the city of Astara, a historic habitat of Talishi community, which has also a namesake on the other side of Iranian border in the Republic of Azerbaijan.

With domination of Turkic language in vicinity of Astara (Ardabil- Azerbaijan) and settlement of some Turkic- speaking immigrants in this city, one may suspect political ambitions behind the disputed administrative boundaries in northern Iran”.

Kaveh Farrokh (Canada) University of British Columbia

The Process of the De-Iranianization of Caucasian Azerbaijan (1828-Present)

This examines the process of de-Iranization in those regions of the Caucasus corresponding to the modern-day Republic of Azerbaijan from 1826 to the present. This process can be broken down into – phases. The first phase (1826-1917) took place during the Czarist Era when Russian authorities sponsored and promoted Turkic cultural developments in the endeavor to diminish the region’s ancient Iranian influence. A prime example of Russian policies was the promotion of theAkinci plays followed by the Akinci newspaper (with Zardabi as editor) which was stridently anti-Persian. In tandem with Russian policies, the rise of Pan-Turkism in the Caucasus (1850s-1917) also promoted the process of de-Iranization in the Transcaucasus. By the early 20th century a number of pan-Turkist and anti-Persian writers with ties to the Young Turks of the Ottoman Empire (i.e. Ali Husseinzade) had risen to prominence. By this time Russian authorities were also sponsoring the anti-Persian Mullah Nassreddin magazine. The second phase of de-Iranization occurred with the arrival of the Musavat Regime in Baku and the application of the term “Azerbaijan” (until 1918 only geographically recognized as the Iranian province of that name below the Araxes river) (1918-1920) during which pan-Turkism and de-Iranization were ideologically rationalized for the first time in Pan-Azeri terms (the union of Iranian and Caucasian Azerbaijan). The third phase of de-Iranization occurred after the fall of the Musavat s to the Soviet Union; during the latter’s tenure, a determined process of de-Iranization was implemented from the 1930s to 1990. As noted by Mehdiyova “…Soviet authorities falsified documents and re-wrote history books. The final phase followed the rise of the independent Republic of Azerbaijan (ROA) in the aftermath of the collapse of the Soviet Union. The de-Iranization policies implemented in 1826-1990 continue to be promoted at the educational and cultural levels by ROA authorities.

Shadi  Davari- Iran (Islamic Azad University of Tehran),

On Talishi Oblique Case : A Case of Syncretism


Talishi, a northwestern Iranian language, is, literally, the language of Talesh, a Caspian area politically split between Iran and the republic of Azerbaiijan. The term indicates a diverse dialectal spectrum, usually divided into three main clusters: Northern, Central and southern according to lexical, phonological and grammatical factors, however all Talishi varieties display a two term noun declension(direct vs. oblique). The oblique case represents distinct grammatical categories merging into a single category, leading to form a syncretic case. The aim of my paper is to analyse this change. To this effect,  I will investigate the syntactic functions and semantic roles of Talishi oblique case to reveal that according to the results ,this range of functions and roles can be accounted for if we consider Talishi oblique case as a polysemic category, having the expression of the possessor as the core function. On the other hand, attested functions of oblique case can best be interpreted as metaphorical extensions from the nuclear meaning of possessor. This evidence suggests that the semantic overlapping of whole argument structures is the cause of Talishi oblique case syncretism, however the tendency of languages to eliminate synonymous grammatical forms over time plays  a prominent role in disappearance of morphological case distinctions”.

Shadi Davari, Mehrdad Naghzguy Kohan (Iran),

Possessive Construction in Southern Talishi (Masali Area) A Typology-Based Study


Typological classification  is the process of describing various linguistics types or strategies found across languages manifesting  grammatical parameters.                                                                 The first purpose of this study is to investigate the range of morphosyntactic strategies used by Talishi, a northwestern Iranian language spoken in the northern regions of the Iranian provinces of Gilan and Ardabil and the southern regions of the Republic of Azerbaijan, with focus on its southern dialect, Masali, which despite its prestigious role across Talish, has reminded largely understudied, to represent possessive construction defined as the semantic relationship of ownership along with its diachronic evolution paths. As the second objective, this study tries to argue on the originality of this language through preserving Old Iranian possessive construction strategies and as the third aim it would describe  the interrelationship of Talishi with another Northwestern Iranian subgroup, Semnani,whose further affiliation to other groups of NWI have never been defined.                                                                                                                                  This study is based upon Croft`s generalizing typology framework(2003) assuming that cross-linguistically there are four sets of strategies used to express the relationship between possessor and possessum in a possessive construction.                                                                                 This generalizing approach to typological classification,with its emphasis on single morphosyntactic features rather than the language as a whole,is the primary contribution to modern typology which illustrates the basic means for describing grammatical  structures across languages”.

Key Words:Possessive construction, possessor,possessum,generalizing typology, Talishi,Old Iranian.

Mehrdad Naghzguy Kohan- Iran,


A study of grammatical characteristics of postpositions acting as case assigner: A case study in Talish

Talishi is a member of North-West Iranian languages. It is spoken in some parts of Guilan Province of Iran and in Republic of Azarbaijan. The corpus on which this article is based was gathered from a number of native speakers living in Tâskuh Dehestan, a district ten kilometers away from the city of Mâsâl. Talishi has a rich system of inflections including  different types of case markers. In Mâsâli, Sentences in present tense follow the pattern of accusative system, while in past tense one can regularly find the occurrence of the double oblique case system. This is the case for all nouns as well as pronouns. Another intersting asspect of Talishi case system is the role of postpostions in case assignment. This latter characteristic is the focus of this study. In this connection, different grammatical functions of the postpositions ku, râ, and na are examined.   Here, it is also illustrated that these postpositions assign oblique case markers to the noun phrase dependents which they govern. The evidence provided here show that postpositions together with case markers express grammatical relations as well as semantic roles.

Mojtaba Ta’attof– Iran,


A short look at the effects of geographical features on people’s lives in Talesh


In the north of Iran and in the southwest border of Caspian sea we call a place Talesh that in fact is also the name of an ancient and pure nation .This nation has a long history in Iran from the Aryan and Median period till today. Frankly the Talesh’s features feed the people needs in this region and to understand the whole tenor we have to look at Talesh’s vegetation ,geomorphology, climate variations and also the political and environmental conditions. So in this essay I mostly want to focus on the geographical effects on people lives as I already had published a Persian in Talesh Monthly magazine before.


Arezoo Yahyanezhad Iran,


Marriage rituals among Talishi ethnic groups

Culture, rites, customs and common believes that most of them have old roots accounted as cultural identity indices of any region and notions and believes playing historical role in worldview and ontology of nations, indicate the diversity and frequency of oral culture of people in a region.

One of the customs conducting among Talishian ethnic groups of Fooman(name of city) maintaining its traditional stages is Marriage rituals. The average marriage age in Talish for boys is between 18 to 22 years and for girls, 14 to 18. Any Talishian parent insists that during mentioned years he/ she find a good spouse for its child and desires that his/her girl could go to the house of her spouse in the initial years of its puberty.

Marriage of boy in the traditional part of Taleshian society doesn’t mean foundation of a black canvas or establishing a house next to the house of his father, but it means adding a new member to the members of boy’s family and promoting a fresh force to the work and production in the family.

When a parent find a spouse for its child, he/she believe that he/she could  reintegrate  special and social situation his/her child  and extending its family and blood range and this means achieving a better social situation among tribe as well.

It is more possibility for Talishian boys and girls to become familiar with each other, but such familiarity mostly conducted in wedding parties, mourning ceremonies, festivals …

This paper deals with all traditional stages of marriage among Talishians from acquaintance to wedding with local expressions and its methodology is of field one.

Asya Asbaghi - Germany,


Akhbarname – a lost book


“Mirza Ahmad Lankarani’s Akhbarname is a book based on the notes of Mirza Ahmad Khodawerdiof and his father Mirza Khodawerdi. Both were high ranking officials at the court of Mir Mostafa Khan and Mir Hasan Khan, the local rulers of the Talesh-area in the first third of the 19th century, and assisted them in their struggle against the growing Russian influence as well as against the interference of the Qajar-rulers in local affairs. During the Soviet-period, the book was preserved in the archives of the national library in Baku and access to it was very limited. It is in the Taleshi language and includes a lot of valuable information about the events, that led to the treaty of Turkmenchay in 1828, as well as some personal accounts about the family of the Mir Mostafa Khan and Mir Hasan Khan. A Persian edition of the book appeared in 1380/2001 in Tehran”.

Caspar Tristan ten Dam (The Netherlands),

The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict: causes and consequences, brutalisation and radicalisation, and the chances of re-ignition – preliminary findings

Politically and militarily, the Armenians securely hold the territory of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic (NKR) and surrounding Azeri districts, and clearly have been able to maintain the fruits of their victory over the Azerbaijanis or Azeris since the 1988-1994 conflict over Nagorno Karabakh. True, neither the NKR or its effective (re)unification with Armenia are internationally recognised, nor is Azerbaijan under Ilham Aliev, emboldened by a recent oil boom and consequent rise in military expenditures, likely to give up its claim to the enclave region anytime soon. Tensions and clashes along contested borders have occasionally peaked, especially since the death of Azerbaijan’s President Heydar Aliev in 2003. Still, Armenia remains militarily stronger with backing from Russia, while Azerbaijan still lacks behind despite Turkish support. More importantly, there are reliable data indicating that the “second Baku oil boom of 2005-2013 is doomed to end in a few years without any significant economic achievement”(Rasizade 2011: 312), which will force Baku to “become more realistic in its claim to Nagorno-Karabakh”(Ibid: 316). Nevertheless, the prospects of a mutually satisfactory and durable resolution of the (presently) frozen conflict remain bleak, given the historic animosities and grievances between the two peoples, and the mutually exclusive aspirations of self-determination and territorial integrity. This may lead to a renewed armed conflict in the more distant future, by changed geopolitical circumstances or by hot-headed militants and political entrepreneurs wilfully disregarding realities (military strength, economic capability, etc.) on the ground”.

The paper will expand upon and defend the assessment given above – and add another crucial dimension, which may account for the depth of enmity between the Armenians and Azeris, and suggest the risk of an even more horrific cycle of violence if the conflict ever becomes ‘hot’ again: the process of brutalisation or increasing resort to terrorism, brigandry, gangsterism, war crimes and other forms of violence that violate local and/or international norms. That both warring sides have behaved brutally in some instances and at some stages in the 1988-1994 conflict goes almost without saying. A more difficult and important question to answer is whether any side – or faction(s) of each side – have exhibited a structural process of increasing or at least endemic brutality in the severity and/or scale of apparent or verified atrocities. And if such brutalisation occurred among either or both the Armenians and Azeris, one must ascertain if and to what degree this has enhanced the intractability of the conflict. More brutalities against each other lead to more grievances and enmities, which in turn decrease the chances of reaching any accommodation on each other’s aspirations that are hard to reconcile to begin with. A willingness to reach compromise will be lacking without true reconciliation.

Note: I have been testing my Brutalisation theory – which posits a cycle of violence through the main variables of intolerant violence-values, original grievances (orgreeds), combat-stress and/or conflict grievances leading to revenge – on the Chechen and Albanian separatists between 1979 and 2001; I describe the pre-1979 (antecedents of) violence-values, grievances and other characteristics of Chechens and Albanians in my ‘How to Feud and Rebel’ series in Iran and the Caucasus”.

Victoria Arakelova  (Armenia) Iranian Studies Dept, Yerevan State

Demonic creatures and demonized deities in the system of Talishi Folk beliefs


Talishi folk beliefs have preserved a number of pre-Islamic elements, represented either by ambivalent characters (e.g. patron-deities of cattle-breeders, etc.) or by demonic creatures. Among the latter, there are particular figures: Alazhen, the Talishi version of the “universal” class of demons-antagonizes of life and enemy of mankind, al, attested almost among all the peoples of the Near East and the Caucasus, as well as shasha, a demoness with similar functions. The paper analyzes the genesis of these characters, their main domains, functions and local peculiarities.

Another part of the analysis is focused on certain details of local beliefs also connected with pandemonium.

Mahmood Jaafari-Dehaghi –(Iran)  University of Tehran


Historical Changes in Sound System of Central Talishi”

The historical changes in sound system of Talishi dialect distinguishes it from other new Iranian dialects. Talishi is spoken by the inhabitants of Caspian sea region, the province of Lankaran in the Republic of Azarbayjan, Astara, Vizana, Tularoud, Asalem, Pare sar, Masal, Masule, Zide, Shnderman etc… It belongs to the north-west group of the Western New Iranian dialects. Central Talish is different from north and south Talish. It includes the city of Asalem and Paresar of Talish and Rezvanshar regularly occupying an aria of about 950 kilo square meters.

Talishi dialect has often preserved its sound system from Old I  ranian, although it sometimes has changed. for example:

Old Iranian “*v” is preserved in Central Talishi:

Old Iranian         Talishi                 Farsi

*varg-                  vag             gorg

*vi-šā-ta-   vəša           gošād

Old Iranian “*dv-” is changed to “b” in Central Talishi:

Old Iranian         Talishi                 Farsi

*dvar-                  bar              dar

Old Iranian “*fr-” is changed to “h-” in Central Talishi:

Old Iranian         Talishi                 Farsi

*fra-māta- hamue                  farmudan

Old Iranian “*-fr-” is changed to “-r-” in Central Talishi:

Old Iranian         Talishi                 Farsi

*vafra-       var              barf

Old Iranian “*rz”  is preserved in Central Talishi:

Old Iranian         Talishi                 Farsi

*barza-                barz            buland

Old Iranian “*xš-” is changed to “-š-” in Central Talishi:

Od Iranian Talishi                 Farsi

*xšab-                  šav              šab

The aim of this article is firstly to find out other historical changes in sound system of Central Talishi dialect and secondly to find out whether it belongs to an independent Middle Iranian Language other than Middle Persian.

Hasmik Kirakosyan (Armenia) Iranian Studies Dept, Yerevan State University

Об азари-талышских лексических параллелях (In Azari-Talishi Parallels)

Азари – древний язык Атурпатакана – объединял большое количество близкородственных диалектов, и, по всей видимости, как и талышский, принадлежал к северо-западной группе иранских языков. Судя по параллелям между языком фахлавиятов (Механ Кашфи, Шейх Сафиад-дин Ардебили и т.д.) и талышским – особенно в системе лексики и исторической фонетики – этот язык, наряду с так называемыми южнотатскими или новоазарийскими диалектами, является одной из сохранившихся ветвей азари.

Irina Nakhchebia,  Gia Zhorzholiani  (Georgia) –


James Baillie Fraser’s Travel in Talish in  1822  (Сведения о Талышах Джеймса-Бэйли Фрезера  (1822))

Известный английский путешественник, писатель и дипломатДжеймс-Бэйли Фрезер (1783–1856) в своем «Путешествии» (James, Baillie Fraser, Travels and Adventures in the Persian Provinces on the Southern Banks of the Caspian Sea, with an Appendix, Containing short Notices on The Geology and Commerce of Persia. London, 1826) – дает сведения о своем пребываниия в Талыше в 1822 году, где он былпринят за русского лазутчика и задержан местным кетходой. Дж. Фрезер описывает одежду и нравы Талышей и сравнивает их со своими соотечественниками – Шотландцами.



Raisa Amirbekian (Armenia) Iranian Studies Department, Yerevan State University,

Talishi Applied Art in the World’s museumТалышское прикладное искусство вмузеях мира (Краткий обзор)


Zaxiriddin Ibrahimi  –


Некоторые проблемы формирования талышского литературного языка

При чтении талышских рукописей и печатных изданий двадцатилетней давности (и более ранних) и наблюдении динамики развития талышского языка  ясно прослеживается его эволюция в сторону утверждения единых грамматических и стилистических правил.
Сегодня язык талышских изданий избавился от многих изъянов и недостатков, которые были характерны для публикации тех лет. Данный доклад рассматривает проблемы формирования талышского языка, а также проблему стандартизации правописания и грамматической структуры предложений.

Elnur Aghayev (Talishi Academy of Sciences)

Наблюдения за динамикой развитияТалышского Культурного Возрождения (конец 80-х годов ХХ века)

Изменения в жизни наций, народов, обществ, массовый динамизм или общественная дезинтеграция не являются результатом сиюминутных событий. Их фундамент формируется в результате длительных исторических процессов, когда же условия сформируются, найдя необходимую почву, они выходят наружу и начинают развиваться.

В этом отношении, у Талышского Культурного Возрождения, происходившего в конце 80-х годов ХХ века, имелись свои исторические и социально-культурные причины. Их можно разделить на две общие группы: в первую очередь, перед нами возникают причины, которые можно называть «горизонтальными/косвенными». Эти причины постепенно возникли в результате различных исторических явлений, имевших место в прошлом, и подготовили почву для последующих событий. Другими словами, они взяли на себя роль основных вен, питающих развитие процессов, которые возникнут после них.

Называемые же «вертикальными/прямыми» причины, воспользовавшись условиями времени (эпохи), превратились в реальные действия после того, как достигли определенной зрелости, развившись от причин, характеризуемых как «горизонтальные/косвенные».

В этой работе будут исследоваться «горизонтальные/косвенные» и «вертикальные/прямые» причины Талышского Культурного Возрождения, происходившего в конце 80-х годов ХХ века.

Горизонтальные/косвенные причины:

- ограничение в использовании, но незапрещение языка, являющегося элементом-носителем культуры;

- компактное проживание в определенной области;

- передача культурного наследия 1930-х годов посредством живущих еще в то время «бабушек и дедушек»;

- изменение топонимов;

- высказывание желаний по защите природы;

- защита в историографии и учебниках по истории таких выражений как «Талышское ханство» и «язык атропатенцев был похож на язык талышей»; и т.п.

Вертикальные/прямые причины:

- происходившая в стране «Перестройка и политика гласности» (известное выражение Горбачева)

- перепись 1989 года (отношения к талышам бакинской бюрократии и московских чиновников)

- изменения в Азербайджане и желания, возникшие внутри Народного фронта Азербайджана; и т.п.

19. Aharon Vardanyan (Armenia),  Iranian Studies Dept, Yerevan State University,


Linguistic archaisms in Talishi

Talishi, along with Gilaki, Mazandarani, and Central Iranian, is generally counted among the most archaic Iranian languages. It contains a lot of archaic forms – grammatical, phonetic and typological, which can be found in Avestan and Old Persian. Despite the fact that the Avestan and Old Persian “portion” can be traced in many modern Iranian languages, Talishi, spoken in the Pre-Caspian area, has preserved more archaisms, due to the fact that the territory of Northern Iran came under the influence of Islam comparatively late. The latter also determined, in many aspects, the mentality of the local peoples, their way of life, etc.

The paper is an attempt to trace the whole “Old Iranian” part of the Talishi language.

Ali Abdali (Iran)

The Talishis  in “Safvat al Safa” (Taleshan dar Safvat al-Safa)

تالش‌ در صفوة‌ الصفا

صفوة‌الصفا يكي‌ از منابع‌ معتبر صوفيه‌ به‌ زبان‌ فارسي‌است‌ كه‌ ابن‌ بزاز آن‌ را درترجمة‌ احوال‌، اقوال‌ و كرامات‌ شيخ‌ صفي‌ الدين‌ اردبيلي‌ نوشته‌ است‌. نگارش‌ اين‌ كتاب‌در سال‌ 759 هـ .ق‌ به‌ پايان‌ رسيده‌ و غلامرضا طباطبايي‌ مجد نسخه‌اي‌ از آن‌ را تصحيح‌ودر سال‌ 1376 چاپ‌ ومنتشر كرده‌ است‌ .

صفوة‌ الصفا اگرچه‌ اثري‌ ست‌ كه‌ تمامت‌ آن‌ به‌ شرح‌ احوال‌، گفته‌ ها وكرامات‌ شيخ‌صفي‌ الدين‌ اردبيلي‌ و همچنين‌ شيخ‌ زاهد تالش‌ گيلاني‌ و شيخ‌ صدرالدين‌ اختصاص‌دارد اما چون‌ بخشي‌ از حوادث‌ مندرج‌ در آن‌ در ديار تالش‌ اتفاق‌ افتاده‌ وبسياري‌ ازشخصيت‌هاي‌ يادشده‌ در آن‌، همچون‌ شيخ‌ زاهد، تالش‌ بوده‌اند، آن‌ كتاب‌ را مي‌توان‌ درزمره‌ منابع‌ تالش‌شناسي‌ نيز قرار داد .

در اين‌ كتاب‌ اطلاعات‌ متنوع‌ واغلب‌ منحصر به‌ فردي‌ در زمينه‌ هاي‌ تاريخ‌، جغرافياومشاهير تالش‌ به‌ چشم‌ مي‌خورد و‌ مي‌تواند براي‌ پژوهشگران‌ بسيار سودمند باشد. باوجودي‌ كه‌ بخش‌ قابل‌ توجهي‌ از اين‌ كتاب‌ 1350 صفحه‌اي‌ به‌ تالش‌ و تالشان‌ اختصاص‌دارد ولي‌ در سراسر آن‌ ،كلمة‌« تالش‌» تنها سه‌ بار وآنهم‌ به‌ مفهوم‌ اتنوميك‌ «پسوند قومي‌نام‌ شخص‌» آمده‌. به‌ عبارتي‌ درصفوة‌الصفا هيچ‌ كجا از شهرو دياري‌ با نام‌ تالش‌ ياد نشده‌است‌. اين‌ موضوع‌ در تأييد شواهد ديگري‌ كه‌ وجود دارد، گوياي‌ آن‌ است‌ كه‌ دست‌ كم‌از آغاز تاريخ‌ هجري‌، منطقة‌ قومي‌ تالش‌ «اراضي‌ بين‌ رودخانه‌ كورا واقع‌ در جمهوري‌آذربايجان‌ و رودخانه‌ سفيد رود واقع‌ در گيلان‌» نام‌ واحدي‌ نداشته‌ است‌. منطقه‌ مذكوردر ادوار مختلف‌ به‌ چند حوزه‌ ويا ناحيه‌ ي‌ سياسي‌ تقسيم‌ شده‌ وهريك‌ از آن‌ نواحي‌مانند امروز، نام‌ خاص‌ خود را داشته‌ است‌ و هرگاه‌ هم‌ كه‌ لازم‌ بوده‌ سراسر آن‌ منطقه‌ به‌يك‌ نام‌ خوانده‌ شود، اراضي‌ جلگه‌اي‌ و پايه‌ كوهي‌ آن‌ مشمول‌ نام‌ «گيلان‌» مي‌شد.ناگفته‌ نماند كه‌ اين‌ نامگذاري‌، يعني‌ گيلان‌ خواندن‌ِ ولايات‌ِ مختلف‌ِ جنوب‌ِ غربي‌ درياي‌كاسپين‌، ازجمله‌ منطقة‌ قومي‌ تالش‌، موجب‌ بروز ابهامات‌ زيادي‌ در مباحث‌ تاريخ‌ وفرهنگ‌ تالش‌ شده‌ است‌. مثلا” در منابع‌ موجود از مشاهير برجسته‌ فراواني‌ ياد شده‌است‌ كه‌ نامشان‌ پسوند گيلاني‌ دارد ولي‌ در موارد زيادي‌ معلوم‌ نيست‌ كه‌ كدام‌ يك‌ از آنهاگيلك‌ و كدامشان‌ تالش‌ بوده‌اند .

بخش‌ كوهستاني‌ منطقه‌ مذكور نيز: كو، گي‌ ي‌َ، گيري‌َ ويا به‌ قول‌ ابن‌ بزاز گريوه‌ خوانده‌شده‌ است‌. معمولا” براي‌ اين‌ كه‌ گيريهاي‌ مختلف‌ تالش‌ از هم‌ تميز داده‌ شوند، نام‌ ناحيه‌ي‌ سياسي‌ متصل‌ و مرتبط‌ با هر گيري‌َهمراه‌ با كلمه‌ گيري‌َ به‌ صورت‌ مضاف‌ مي‌ آمده‌.مانند: ماسال‌ + كيري‌َ = ماسال‌َ گيري‌َ، اسالم‌ + گيري‌َ = اسالم‌َ گيري‌َ و…اين‌ شيوه‌نامگذاري‌ دقيقا” همانطور كه‌ امروزه‌ در منطقه‌ قومي‌ تالش‌ متداول‌ است‌، در زمان‌نگارش‌ صفوة‌الصفا معمول‌ بوده‌ .

واژگان کلیدی :

ابن بزاز ، صفوت الصفا ،تالش ، جمهوری آذربایجان ،گیلان ، شیخ زاهد .

Ali Abdali (Iran)

تالش در تركيب قومی گیلان باستان

The Talishis in the Ethnic Structure of Ancient Gilan

امروزه‌ اراضي‌ بين‌ ارتفاعات‌ جبال‌ البرز غربي‌ و درياي‌ كاسپي‌، از آستارا تا رودسر رااستان‌ گيلان‌ مي‌نامند. در اين‌ قطعة‌ خرم‌ و حاصلخيز كشور ايران‌، گروه‌ هاي‌ اجتماعي‌متعددي‌ با زبان‌ و فرهنگ‌ و تعلقات‌ قومي‌ و اشكال‌ و شيوه‌ معيشتي‌ مختلف‌ زندگي‌مي‌كنند. اين‌ گروه‌ هاي‌ اجتماعي‌ كيستند؟ موضوعي‌ با عنوان‌ «جامعة‌ گيلان‌ و يا گيلاني‌»از چه‌ زمان‌ قابل‌ بررسي‌ ست‌؟

اين‌ پرسشها از ديدگاه‌ مردم‌شناسي‌ ما را متوجه‌ چند دوره‌ معين‌ تاريخي‌ مي‌نمايد ودر هر دوره‌ پاسخي‌ موافق‌ ويژگيهاي‌ جغرافيايي‌ و انساني‌ گيلان‌ كنوني‌ در آن‌ دوره‌، فرارويمان‌ قرار مي‌گيرد.

نخستين‌ آگاهي‌هاي‌ تاريخي‌ كه‌ از سرزمين‌ و مردم‌ گيلان‌ كنوني‌ به‌ دست‌ ما رسيده‌است‌ به‌ اوايل‌ هزارة‌ اول‌ پيش‌ از ميلاد مربوط‌ مي‌شود. ناگفته‌ نماند كه‌ اين‌ اطلاعات‌متفاوت‌ با دانستني‌ هايي‌ ست‌ كه‌ دانش‌ باستان‌شناسي‌ از آن‌ سخن‌ مي‌گويد.

ما به‌ واسطة‌ منابع‌ تاريخي‌ موجود كه‌ از ديرباز باقي‌ مانده‌ است‌، در يك‌ چشم‌ اندازكلي‌ بسيار دور با نام‌ گروه‌ هايي‌ انساني‌ آشنا مي‌شويم‌ كه‌ در عرصة‌ استان‌ گيلان‌كنوني‌بابرخورداري‌ از هويت‌ اجتماعي‌ ويژه‌ زندگي‌ مي‌كردند.

برخورداري‌ از هويت‌ اجتماعي‌ ويژه‌ كه‌ همراه‌ با برخورداري‌ از سرزمين‌ ، زبان‌ وفرهنگ‌ ويژه‌ مي‌باشد، مفهوم‌ قوم‌ و قوميت‌ را تداعي‌ مي‌نمايد. زيرا كه‌ قوم‌، دست‌ كم‌ به‌باور نگارنده‌ عبارت‌ از مردمي‌است‌ كه‌ داراي‌ هويت‌ تاريخي‌مي‌ باشد و سرزمين‌ و زبان‌وفرهنگ‌ ويژه‌ خود را دارد.

قوم‌ در ساختار سنتي‌ خود در برگيرنده‌ ايل‌، طايفه‌ و تيره‌ هاي‌ متعدد مي‌باشد وممكن‌ است‌ از لحاظ‌ مذهب‌ و لهجه‌ و شيوه‌ معيشت‌، همگن‌ نباشد. تمدنها بر اثر ارتباط‌مستمر تاريخي‌ و تبادل‌ انديشه‌ ها و تجربه‌ هاي‌ في‌ مابين‌ اقوام‌ پديد آمده‌اند. تنوع‌فرهنگي‌، وجود خرده‌ فرهنگ‌ها و كنش‌ِ دايم‌ دروني‌ و متقابل‌ براي‌ بازآفريني‌ و بالندگي‌فرهنگي‌ در حوزه‌ هريك‌ از تمدنهاي‌ منطقه‌اي‌ و جهاني‌ محصول‌ همزيستي‌ و همسويي‌اعتقادي‌ و تجربي‌ اقوام‌ است‌.

از اين‌ روست‌ كه‌ در حوزه‌ موسوم‌ به‌ دارالمرزگيلان‌ مي‌توان‌ از وجود مدنيت‌ ديرپايي‌سخن‌ گفت‌ كه‌ بسيار فراتر و متفاوت‌ از ويژگي‌ ي‌ جامعه‌اي‌ تك‌ قومي‌ و يا تك‌ مليتي‌است‌. اين‌ موضوع‌ ما را به‌ تأملي‌ بيشتر در اين‌ زمينه‌ وامي‌ دارد. اگر چه‌ نام‌ و حدودجغرافياي‌ سياسي‌ اين‌ استان‌ در طول‌ تاريخ‌ متغير و مشمول‌ مفاهيم‌ مختلفي‌ بوده‌، اماآنگاه‌ كه‌ بررسي‌ هويت‌ قومي‌ و تاريخي‌ جامعة‌ گيلاني‌ مدّ نظر باشد، سخن‌ از مردمي‌خواهد رفت‌ كه‌ سرزمين‌ اصلي‌ آنها در محدوده‌ جغرافيايي‌ گيلان‌ كنوني‌ واقع‌ بوده‌است‌.

Farzad Shirzad,  Fardin Komai (Iran)  University of Guilan,

The Ecotourism Potentialities of  Shanderman

Ecotourism which is considered as a modern form of tourism and involves visiting natural areas — in the remote wilderness or urban environment, and by its definition is the responsible travel to natural areas that conserves the environment and improves the well-being of local people. By considering the overall principals Shanderman , located on the northern regions of the Iranian provinces of Guilan, can play a major role for attracting tourists.

It is the main area where is the residential part of Taleshi people. 35 villages are in the vicinity of Shanderman and the home for more than 30000. The local language is Taleshi, most of them make a living by raising sheep, cow and domestic animals and farming.

The old local exhibitions are one of the basic elements for attracting tourists, and they have  especial effects on the social , economical , political and cultural aspects of people’s life. By taking this into consideration, these local fairs (Bazars) are known to many Gilakil people who enjoy spending a day and obtaining their needs by purchasing the products made by Taleshi people.

The area benefits a lot of religious and natural sightseeings which have the potential bases for absorbing tourists.

This article is an attempt to depict the overall features of the region and to specify the general effects it can have on the region. It intends to be a comprehensive investigation of Taleshi region in the area of Shanderman.

Farzad Shirzad and Fardin Komai – Iran,,,

A Survey on Sport Tourism in Massal, Case Study: Local Wrestling


The ever-green beautiful city of Massal  is located on the eastern slope of Alborz Mountain and in the western plain o f Guilan Province. It is surrounded  by Rezvanshahr from the north, Khalkhal from the west, Somehsara from the east and Fouman from the south. According to the evaluation made by the organization of Tourism in Iran, Massal has gained the best position from tourism viewpoint and benefits from the natural  and unique sightseeing. This Talyshi-speaking city shares the same culture, customs, and traditions with its neighboring areas.

There have been various acceptable customs concerning with sport events in Massal, such as horse ridding, wrestling, and athletic. One of the most popular contests within the northern provinces of Iran has been local wrestling. Its actions, movements and techniques reflect the routine life and the situation of living in this agricultural area. Analyzing the actions used in this sort of wrestling, the types of clothing, its beginning salutations, the way a race starts, its techniques, etc reveals the conditions which a farmer does in the field, how he cuts the rice and does the harvest.

It is beyond doubt that the countries located around the Caspian Sea and the Caucasian area are considered as the cradle of local wrestling in the world. Since Massal has the ideal location for organizing the local wrestling, it can be elevated to an international level if the wrestlers from the neighboring regions can gather together, so a sort of sport tourism can be easily formed  with the cooperation of the northern provinces of Iran and the neighboring countries around the Caspian Sea.

Roman Smbatyan, Sona Davtyan (Armenia) Iranian Studies Dept, Yerevan State University,

The political situation in Talishi inhabited territories in 1720-40s

After the fall of Safavid state in 1722 the socio-political situation in Talishi inhabited region became restless. Due to the vacuum of political power many tribal groups began to rival for political leadership in the region. On the other hand Iranian leaders such as Nadir Shah tried to re-establish the control of the region by sending Embrahim Shirazi one of trustworthy commanders of his army to take the power of Talishi territories. But this assignment led to a greater rivalry and situation remained instable until Mir Abbas Beg one of the local seyyeds became the son-in-law of Ebrahim and with gifts and corruption succeeded to convince Nadir Shah that he is the only leader who can keep the region far from tribal riots.

For Nadir Talishi inhabited territories were of great importance which can be seen by the fact Mughan was chosen as a place of his official coronation – Quriltay.

This paper aims to analyze the political situation of Talishi territories during the reign of Nadir and throw light at some important historical events based on Persian main sources.


Alexander Skakov (Russia) (Институт востоковедения РАН), (, )


Талыш-муганская археологическая культура. Краткий очерк

(Talish-Mughan Archaeological Culture: Short Overview)

Во время работ 1890 и 1901 гг. в Талышских горах на территории Российской империи и Ирана известным археологом Жаком де Морганом были обнаружены яркие памятники эпохи поздней бронзы – раннего железа. Археологическая культура, получившая название талыш-муганской или муганской, была выделена И.М. Джафарзаде после открытия в 1941 могильника в Узунтепе. Археологические работы в регионе были возобновлены в 1964 г. В настоящее время известно, что памятники муганской культуры распространены не только в Талышских горах, но и на Ленкоранской низменности, Муганской равнине, то есть на территории современного юго-восточного Азербайджана, а также в прилегающих районах Ирана.

В развитии муганской культуры выделяется три этапа, датирующиеся XIV-XIII, XII–X, X-VII вв. до н.э. Культура сформировалась на основании местных памятников эпохи средней бронзы (могильник Аликемектепеси), которые, в свою очередь, сохраняли черты преемственности по отношению к местному локальному варианту куро-аракской культуры.

Муганская культура известна в основном по материалам могильников. Иногда погребения (получившие от первооткрывателей не точное название «дольмены») перекрыты небольшими каменными или земляными курганами, обычно окруженными кромлехом. Известны каменные ящики и склепы, нередко сосуществующие в пределах одного могильника. Длина склепа от 2 до 14 м, ширина – от 1 до 3 м. Склепы имели прямоугольную, редко округлую и овальную в плане камеру, некоторые сооружения  были двухкамерными. На ранних этапах преобладали коллективные погребения (до 7 человек). Как правило, одиночные захоронения не отличаются богатством инвентаря. Характерны скорченные на боку трупоположения, встречены также вытянутые на спине и «сидячие» костяки. На Ленкоранской низменности обнаружены грунтовые погребения, иногда перекрытые земляными курганами.

Там же, на Ленкоранской низменности, известны селища муганской культуры. В селе Ловаин, также в приморской низменности, обнаружен клад бронзовых топоров.

В инвентаре муганской культуры преобладает лепная керамика (кувшины, водолеи в виде животных, кружки, миски и т.д.) чёрного цвета, обычно неорнаментированная. Показательны изделия из бронзы: мечи и кинжалы (в т.ч. с фигурным двураструбным или веерообразным навершием, есть цельнолитые с рамочной рукоятью, особенно характерны вытянутые клинки с рельефным полукругом или кругом в верхней части клинка), асимметричные топоры «талышского типа», топоры-тёсла, наконечники копий (черенковые и втульчатые) и стрел, ножи, бляхи, браслеты, височные подвески, булавки, кольца, удила и псалии, пластинчатые (в т.ч. орнаментированные) пояса, диадемы, фигурки животных. Достаточно многочисленны золотые и серебряные украшения, обсидиановые и кремнёвые наконечники стрел, разнообразные бусы. Встречаются железные предметы: кинжалы, копья, тесла, рукоять бронзового зеркала. На третьем хронологическом этапе бронзовое оружие вытесняется железным, зачастую повторяющим форму бронзового.

Прослеживаются связи муганской культуры с ганджа-карабахской культурой и цивилизациями Передней Азии, в частности, встреченная здесь глазурованная керамика происходит из Ассирии. Для первого хронологического этапа характерны пастовые печати, покрытые голубоватой глазурью, находящие аналогии в Митанни.

В настоящее время изучение талыш-муганской археологической культуры продолжается, насколько можно судить, как в Азербайджане, так и за его пределами. В частности, необходимо отметить изданную посмертно, в 2008 г., монографию Фармана Махмудова. Настоятельной необходимостью является переиздание, хотя бы на французском языке, работ основоположника археологии Талыша – Жака де Моргана (1896, 1905 гг.).

Ali Rafie. (Iran) and Yasit,

On the Talishi Poetry نگاهی به شعر تالشی

معمولا شناخت تاریخ دقیق نخستین شعر در هر زبانی یا ممکن نیست یا دشوار است. در تالشی نیز برای اولین اشعار سروده شده به این زبان، تاریخ دقیقی مشخص نشده است و آنچه بجا مانده است, بیشتر، اشعار فولکلوریک است که سینه به سینه نقل شده و به ما رسیده است. از سوی دیگر آثار مکتوب ( نوشتاری) در تالشی قدیم نداریم. اگر شعرهای  شیخ صفی الدین اردبیلی ( قرن سیزدهم میلادی) را تالشی بدانیم، اولین شعر ثبت شده تالشی به قرن سیزدهم میلادی بر می گردد. اما در دوره معاصر شعرهای بجا مانده مکتوب کم نیست. برای مثال می توان از کارهای ذوالفقار احمدزاده( 1942-1898)  نام برد.

براساس اسناد و مدارک موجود،شعر تالشی به عنوان یک اقدام ادبی پایدار درقرن نوزدهم میلادی با شعرهای «ذوالفقار احمدزاده» پا به میدان گذاشت و آن هم به تالشی شمالی بود. بعدها «فرامرز مسرور ماسالی» منظومه ی «خندیلـَه پـِشت» را به تالشی جنوبی سرود. این را هم نباید فراموش کرد که  شاعرانی چون صدقی پونلی و میرزا فرهاد شهنازی تقریبا همزمان با ذوالفقار احمدزاده، اشعاری به تالشی سروده بودند؛ ولی شهرتشان کمتر بود.

امروزه وضع به کلی متفاوت است. در تالش شمالی، راهی را که ذوالفقار احمدزاده(پدر شعر تالشی) هموار ساخته بود، اکنون پیروان بسیار دارد و شاهد آثار شعرایی چون علی ناصر، خونعلی تولش، زابیل محرم زودَه، و دیگران هستیم که از آنها مجموعه هایی منتشر شده است که به طور کلی تعداد آنها از نمونه های تالشی جنوبی بیشتر است. برای مثال در مجموعه ی «تولشی ارمغون»، اثر زنده یاد نوروزعلی محمداف که در سال 1993 در باکو چاپ شد اشعار 30 شاعر تالش شمالی در آن گرد آمده است. مانند شعر زیر از علی ناصر :

«آی هونی يون  قولمچيون  آز ديوم                    چول ببی ووتدَن  چوكو آز چول ببـوم

سا هَزو سورون رَقم هست كانه دوم                 خول ببی ووتدن چوكو آز خول ببـوم»…( علی ناصر )

(  ای چشمه ها، مردابها، من دریایم                 می گویند چاه باش، چگونه چاه  شوم

هزاران سال سن دارم، درخت پيرم             می گويند شاخه باش، چگونه  شاخه باشم )

در ایران هم در کتاب «گنجینه ی تالش»، اثر چنگیز شکوری، اشعار زیبایی از شعرای تالشی سرا و فارسی سرای تالش جنوبی گرد آمده است. علی عبدلی نیز در کتاب«ادبیات تات و تالش»اشعاری را از شعرای تالش جنوبی و شمالی ارائه داده است. شعر زیر از مسرور ماسالی نمونه ای است از اشعار تالشی جنوبی :

«خندیله پشت، اورو چمˇ دیل پـــورَه           یادˇ اشتˇ چـمˇ دیلی را نـــورَه

هیچ نــِـزونوم قیلـَه ناهار یا ســورَه          همی زونوم غـم مˇ نَه هم آخـــورَه»

( ای « خندیله پشت»[نام جایی است] امروز دلم گرفته است       یاد تو آرامش دل من است

هیچ نمی دانم صبح است یا شب                   فقط می دانم که غم و اندوه همنشین من است)

واژگان کلیدی : ادبیات، شعر، تالشی، تالش شمالی، تالش جنوبی

Babak Rezvani (The Netherlands)

Diversity, conflict and coexistence: the Iranian and the (post-)Soviet ethno-political systems compared

Ethnic diversity is common to most states, but the consequences in terms of tensions and conflicts differ widely between them. One of the main factors that could explain these differences is the state model that has been developed in order to accommodate the existing ethnic diversity.

In this paper, two multi-ethnic states, the former Soviet Union and Iran, with comparable –in some cases even the same– ethnic groups, but with very different state models concerning its ethnic diversity will be compared in their conflict preventive or conflict encouraging consequences. The Iranian constitution (articles 12, 13, and 14) offers religious minorities legal protection and freedom, to perform their religious rites and to enjoy religious education. According to the Iranian constitution (article 15) the usage of regional and ethnic languages next to Persian, in the media, press and education is free and ethnic and racial discrimination is prohibited (article 19). Moreover, the first order Iranian administrative levels (ostans) are not based on, and not demarcated rigidly along, ethnic lines. In Iran the democratic representation in the national parliament (Majles) is not on ostan level but on the town and city level. This neutralizes ethnic competition in the ethnically heterogeneous ostans. In addition the democratic representation of religious minorities is guaranteed by especial seats in the national parliament. Similar to the case in the former Yugoslavia, in the Soviet Union an ethnically based federal structure was designed in which the “titular” ethnic groups were offered many privileges in education and jobs, in “their” territorial unit. In Iran on the other hand, no any ethnic majority group (in certain territorial unit) is regarded as titular and offered privileges. In addition, in the former Soviet Union members of certain ethnic and religious groups were oppressed (as in Iraq under Saddam) and ethnicity was constitutionally politicized (as in the French designed Lebanese constitution). The Soviet ethno-territorial federalism was even more hierarchic compared to the Yugoslavian case. In the Soviet Union a hierarchical ethno-territorial system existed, which meant practically that there are “higher” and “lower” ethnic groups. This is contrary to Iran and most European countries, which regard the prohibition of  ethnic discrimination a main principle and consider “their” nation as a civic one.

A careful analysis of the different structures of the states and their ethnic policies, leads to the conclusion that the Soviet model is an ethnic conflict-instigating one while the Iranian model is an ethnic conflict-preventive one.

Garnik Gevorgian (Armenia) Iranian Studies Dept, Yerevan State University

Настоящие границы поселения талышей

Историческая родина талышского народа представляет собой более обширные районы, чем настоящие области их поселения в Азербайджанской Республике и в Иране.  Талыши считаются прямыми наследниками северо-западных  иранских племён – азари, а их исторические места проживания распространяются в более обширных  областях северо-западных  провинций Ирана – Ардабиль и Восточный Азарбайджан. В названиях сохранившихся исторических памятников в Ардабиле и в лексике туркоязычного населения провинции сохранились многочисленные элементы, доказывющие, что  сегодняшнее туркоязычное насиление вышеназванных провинций еще недавно было талышеязычным.

Sekandar Amanolahi (Iran) University of Shiraz,

The Taleshis’ Ecological adaptation and its significance in comprehending the Origin of Pastoral Nomadism in Iran

This paper examines the subsistence pattern of the Taleshi  herders of semi-nomadic way  of life.. Furthermore, the paper compare the Taleshis’ subsistence pattern with the Herder-horticulturist of  Fars Province of south Iran ,who also are a semi-nomadic group. The paper argues that, the life circumstances of  the two groups represent an archaic form of ecological adaptations which might be viewed as the forerunner of the pastoral nomadism in Iran. In other word, the subsistence pattern of these peoples enhance our knowledge concerning the origin of the pastoralism.

Donald L. Stilo (Germany) The Diachrony of the Present, Subjunctive, and Future Formations and their Derivatives in the Araxes-Iran Linguistic Area

Derivatives in the Araxes-Iran Linguistic Area

Iranian languages in the Araxes zone (N. Talyshi, N. Tati, Caucasian Tat, partially S. Talyshi, Gilaki) share unique diachronic innovations in their verbal systems with local non‑Iranian languages (Armenian, Aramaic, Udi).

Part I:

Original typology: The original Present was marked by a Ø Tense Marker (MPØ‑dān‑am;

Classical Armenian xos-Ø-em, etc.). Very few languages remain at this stage today,

Only Rashti: Ø‑dan‑əm, Māsulei: Ø‑zon‑əm.

Innovation: The Present tense later acquires a Tense-Aspect Marker, which can be

a) prefixed (Asalemi ‑gætím, Urmi Christian Aramaic: b=xæzin “I see”),

b) suffixed (N. Talyshi: gæté==m “I take”, Armenian xos‑um=em “I speak”), or

c) mobile (ENP hamē … āyad ~ āyad hamē, Yazdi Zoroastrian e‑væji/nævæji‑e

“you say/don’t say”, Karin Armenian: =mənam ~ mənam=kə “I stay”), B)

Shift: The original Ø form shifts from Present to Subjunctive

Caucasian Tat: Ø-xárüm “let me eat”,

Classical Armenian Present xos-Ø-em > Modern subjunctive,

Urmi Jewish Aramaic (UJA): Ø‑od‑in “let me do”).

Innovation: Various languages acquire a Future:

A grammaticalized form of ‘want’ + Subjunctive (Lahijani xan búgom “I shall say”),

Armenian -xos-em, UJA: Fut. b‑od‑in), B) grammaticalized form of ‘want’ + non-finite form

(Rashti xayəm guftən; MP xahæm goft) C) allative adposition (N. Talyshi‑gæté=m “I will take”),

d) floating particle (Kurmanji).

Innovation: In some Iranian languages, the Subjunctive acquires

an affix paralleling the Present marker (Persian: ‑binæm vs. ‑binæm).

Shift: Some languages shift Present to Future:

Cauc. Tat: mægürǘm ‘I will take’, N. Talyshi ‑gæté=m “I will take” > Asālemi “I take (no formal future here). Perhaps some languages do the opposite: shift new Future to Present (W. Armenian: =xosem “I say”)

Part II: PASTNESS. The features that make core Araxes languages (Iranian and non-Iranian) unique are the past realizations of Present, Subjunctive and Future paradigms, to which a morpheme of “pastness” (usually the past copula) is added forming the Imperfect, Past Subjunctive, and Conditional, respectively. Examples:

Urmia Christian Aramaic         Urmia Armenian      Leriki (Northern Talyshi)

Present     Imperfect Present     Imperfect                 PresentImperfect      Present     Imperfect

bə‑γzaya=vin bə‑γzaya=vin=væ as‑es=em as‑es=em=er vot-é=dæ=m vot-é=dæ=be=m

dur‑see‑1sm           dur‑see‑1sm=cop:p                 say‑dur=1s             say‑dur=1s=cop:p dur‑give=1s              dur‑give=cop:p=1s

I (m.) am seeing       I (m.) was seeing     I say        I used to say            I give       I used to give

Note also the parallellisms in the Present and Past of the Existence verb in these languages:

Urmia Christian Aramaic         Leriki (Northern Talyshi)        Armenian

Exist. Pres.              Exist. Past                Exist. Pres.              Exist. Past                Exist. Pres.              Exist. Past

ith ith‑væ hest=e hest=be    ka ka-r‑3cop =3cop:p

there is     there was                 there is     there was                 there is     there was\

Note that the Talyshi formation, which parallels Aramaic, Armenian and Udi (not shown), is completely ungrammatical in Persian (*hæst-bud). This paper will also discuss several other important unusual parallelisms among these four very different language types (Talyshi, Armenian, Aramaic and Udi).

Conclusion: The verbal systems of the Iranian languages of the Araxes area are not typical of Iranian due to heavy contact phenomena. Languages of very different language families all parallel each other very closely. New tense forms have appeared in these languages that are unique within their respective families.

Elahe Taghvayi (Armenia) Iranian Studies Dept, Yerevan State University

تالشی آشتیان وفسی فارسی
ka kiya ke خانه
ba bar bar در
tanu tore tanda تنور
sof sia siva سیب
bālesˇne bālesˇm bālesˇma بالش
angi engur angur انگور
sibe esba asba سگ
ha xa xa خر
pisˇik kue kuka گربه
geyzi = sizda جارو
pellekān nardeon serda نردبان
nofli tosˇak nāli تشک
mezˇu nesˇk = عدس
lāf lāhāf jˇovanxa لحاف
rivos rubā luvās روباه

این مقاله به طور کلی( سه )گویش که در تقسیم بندی جز گویشهای (شمال غربی) میباشد .پرداخته است.که تحولات

آوایی و ریشه ای مورد برسی قرار گرفته است.

در مورد اول یعنی کلمه ((خانه)) تحول ریشه ای مشاهده می شود.اگرچه این کلمه ریشه در فارسی دارد.مانند کلمه


در مورد کلمه (( در)) تحول آوایی مشاهده میشود.که از((   دواری))

.که ریشه در فارسی قدیم دارد  منشا گرفته است.

کلمات تنورو سیب وبالش و انگور  همچنین تحول آوایی مشاهده میشود.

کلمه سگ از اسپاگا  در فارسی قدیم منشا گرفته است .و تحول آوایی مشاهده میشود.

کلمه(( خر))  ما  تحول ریشه ای داریم و تبدیل ((خ)) به ((ه)) داریم.

کلمه ((گربه)) تحول ریشه ای داریم .که در  وفسی و آشتیانی  از یک گروه هستند .ودر تالشی

این مسله منحصر به فرد است.و در فارسی کلمه پیشیک در کفتار کودکانه بکار برده میشود.

کلمه(( جارو))ما تحول ریشه ای داریم.که در گویش تالشی این کلمه منحصر به فرد است.

و در کلمه(( نردبان )) که هم ریشه فارسی میباشد ما تحول ریشه ای داریم.

و در کلمه تشک همچنین تحول ریشه ای داریم.

در کلمه عدس هم تحول ریشه ای مشاهده میشود

که در تالشی این مورد منحصر به فرد و خاص میباشد

کلمه ((لحا ف )) تحول ریشه ای و آوایی مشاهده میشود.

که در گویش آشتیان ((ه))  یعنی(( لحاف)) را مشاهده میکنیم .

که درگویش تالشی ((ه)) حذف میشود.

کلمه(( روباه))هم تحول آوایی و هم تحول ریشه ای داریم.

که تبدیل ((ل )) به ((ر))  را مشاهده میکنیم.و هم چنین

در گویش تالشی تبدیل((  س)) به (( ه)) دیده میشود.

در انتهای کلمه   روباه  در آشتیانی داریم(( آ))ولی  در

تالشی ما(( ریوس )) داریم

Ali Zabihi (Iran).

The word “twl” in Talishi, other Iranian Language and Semitic Languages

Mostafa Farzpourmachiani (Iran).

Common features of Tati, Talishi and Gilani.

Raisa Amirbekyan (Armenia ), Iranian Studies Dept, Yerevan State University

Talish Applied Art: View Through  the Centuries

The applied art of the Talish people as part of frontier zone phenomenon is old and rich. The Talish people have created  distinctive culture, a major part of which is decorative and applied art. This form of art rooted in hoary antiquity is represented by a wide range of handicrafts, such as chasing, jewelry, engraving in metal, carving in wood, stone and bone, carpet-making, weaving, knitting and embroidery.

Carpet weaving is one of the oldest and most popular forms of the applied art of Talish people. Production of carpets, jejims, kilims, woolen socks, buriyas (rush mates of both simple and complicated weaving), embroidery are the main crafts of the population of this region.

The traditional skills of decorative and applied arts have been handed down from one generation of craftsmen to another for many centuries, and the visual language they employ in their masterpieces – motifs, colors and  forms  – form an essential part of the Talishi culture.

The preliminary analysis of the research level of Talish applied art’s theoretical and practical patterns shows, that at present academic science has not yet established a complete code of knowledge on this important component of the cultural space of one of the aboriginal ethnos of Iran and Transcaucasia in the historic-ethnographic context. Nevertheless, the scientific base founded on the best achievements of Russian and Soviet Oriental studies in conjunction with European scholars’ efficient researches, travelers’ writings, as well as Talish scholars’ contemporary researches enable us to assemble and restore the real picture of the evolution of this significant culturological determinant of ethnos.

Masoumeh Ebrahimi (Iranian Studies Department,  Yerevan State University)

Imaginary beings in Talishi folklore

Jin, Siyah Galesh and Darvish are mentioned as most famous imaginary beings in the Talishi populated areas of Iran.

Functions of Jin and Darvish are similar to the other jins around Iran, but here the function of Siyah Galesh is unique and could be discussed in multiple aspects of mythological, linguistics, and folkloric studies. The aim of this paper is investigation of folkloric aspects of these beings among the Talishis people.

Peyman Matin (Iranian Studies Department, Yerevan State University)

Folk plants in Talishi culture

There are many folk plants in the Talishi area of Iran having a significant ritual role in the everyday life of people. The most prominent of these plants is Šemšad (Box tree) that is used in different ceremonial actions like prays, marriages, and so on. This paper focused on fieldwork research about folk plants especially Box tree in Tavalesh (parts of Gilan, Mazandaran, and East Azarbayjan) and their ritual, medical, and general usages.

Vardan Voskanian (Armenia) Dept of Iranian Studies, Yerevan State University

On linguistic contacts between Talishi and Armenian

The contribution will focus on the discussion of the historical contacts between Talyshi and Armenian languages. In spite of the fact that the gradual spread of Azerbaijani Turkic resulted in drastic changes in the linguistic atlas of the South Caucasus and the adjacent areas of Iran, there are still a number of very important traces of former close linguistic contacts between Talyshi and Armenian, both in the fields of lexical borrowings and inherited common substratum.

Zhores  Khachatryan and  Armen  Nakhshkaryan (Armenia)

About the Origination of Persian Painted Pottery of Ardibalian  Style

The Persian painted pottery of Ardibalian style, devoid of archaeological context, which was spread in the Eastern part of the Urmia lake, is dated to the 5-2 centuries B.C. by Herink. But the latest researches prove that the painted pottery did not exist in those territories at all.

The typological analysis of the above-mentioned pottery shows that those have no bonds with the Persian simultaneous pottery and typologically are similar to the Hellenic painted pottery of Armenia. The Persian painted pottery of Ardibalian style must be dated to the 1st century B.C. The spreading of this pottery in the mentioned region is connected with the political activity of Tigran Mets.

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Hoseyn Arefniya (Iran) حسین عارفنیا

نكته اي چند از زبان هرزني

امروزه محل اصلي «زبان هرزني» روستاي «گلن قيه» است كه در پنج فرسخي «مرند» و پانزده فرسخي تبريز واقع و داراي دو هزار نفر جمعيت ميباشد. «بابره» نيز ديهيست در نزديكي «گلن قيه» كه مردم آن بزبان «هرزني» آشنائي دارند. ديه سوم كه «زبان هرزني» در آن رواج دارد «كهن هرزن» ميباشد كه ديهي است كوچك با چند خانوار جمعيت در دامن «كوه هرزن».

علت تسمية زبان مورد بحث به «هرزني» مركزيت «كهن هرزن» و سابقة تاريخي و قدمت آنست و بطوريكه از «روايات سينه به سينه» و «برخي مدارك مكتوب»1 بر مي آيد اغلب روستاهاي واقع در اطراف «كهن هرزن» از جمله «هرزن نو»2 و «بابره» و «گلن قيه» در روزگار گذشته يا وجود نداشته و يا جزء مراتع و پايگاههاي زراعتي و ييلاق و قشلاقهاي «كهن هرزن» بوده اند و «كهن هرزن» كه تطبيق موقع و محل آن با محل فعلي «كهن هرزن» قابل ترديد و در خور تأمل بيشتر مي باشد شامل سرزمين وسيع و آبادي بوده كه امروزه بيش از ده روستاي كوچك و بزرگ و پايگاههاي زراعتي در آن واقع است3 .

آنچه قابل تأسف و در خور توجه اهل فضل و فرهنگ است ظهور آثار افول عنقريب آفتاب درخشان اين يادگار پرارج ايران باستان مي باشد .امروز نسل جديد و كودكان اين روستاها از زبان پدران خود به كلي بيگانه اند و پدران نيز تحت تأثير علل و عواملی مجهول اندك اندك «لهجة آذري ـ تركي» را جانشين زبان خود كرده زبان ديرين خود را بدست فراموشي مي سپارند و با توجه به همين خطر است كه ضبط و جمع و تدوين «زبان هرزني» از اهم فرائض علاقمندان اين آب و خاك و از اوجب وظائف محققان و متتبعان ايران دوست قرار گرفته است. آگاهي از همين خطر توجه به همين وظيفه از چند سال پيش محرض نگارنده در جمع آوري لغات و تدوين گرامر و ضبط ترانه ها و داستانهاي اين زبان شد و برخي از عمر عزيز در راه انجام اين منظور صرف گشت تا بمدد توفيقات آسماني و عشق و اشتياق باطن اين منظور بحسن ختام انجاميد و تا جائيكه در حد امكان بود در جمع لغات و ضبط داستانها و استخراج دستور اين زبان استقصائي رفت

Mahmoud Joneidi Ja’afari (Iran).

Landscape and Dialects in Talish.

Despite the sameliness of the Talishi landscape and nature, the dialects of  the Talishi language are quite distinct and the seem to
mark the devision along the confessional line as well as life-style.  The Southern Talishi dialectal massive is that of  the
Shi’a population  with pastoral way of life in the mountains, connected with the Gilan valley; Central Talishi spoken among the Sunni
Talishis with the developed agricultural mode of life and the seasonal cattle-breeding; and finally, Northern Talishi being undergone
purposeful Turkic influence.

Publish Date
November 01, 2011


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